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Photograph by] [ <K. and D. Downey. 

The Right Hon. Cecil John Rhodes. 
















THE interest excited by the publication in the 
daily papers of the last Will and Testament of 
Cecil John Rhodes justifies and explains the 
appearance of this volume. 

For the marginal and foot notes, as well as 
for the chapters describing the political and 
religious ideas of Mr. Rhodes, no one is 
responsible but 


June 4?/i, 1902. 






MR. RHODES . . . . 51 




., IV. His SPEECHES . . . 139 


INDEX ......... 193 






VIEW" .2 



GROOTE SCHUUR ......... 10 






















PART II. continued. PAGE 


PORTRAIT OF MR. C. D. RUDD . . . 119 



PORTRAIT OF MR. RHODES IN 1899 . . . 138 














THE sixth and last Will and Testament of 
Cecil John Rhodes is dated July ist, 1899. To 
this are appended various codicils, the last of 
which was dated March, 1902, when he was on 
his deathbed. 

The full text of the Will and its Codicils will 
only be published when the Will is proved in 
South Africa. 

The following are the substantive passages of 
the Will so far as they have as yet been given to 
the public. 

The Will begins : 

I am a natural-born British subject and I now 
declare that I have adopted and acquired and 
hereby adopt and acquire and intend to retain 
Rhodesia as my domicile (a). 

(i.) His Burial Place in the Matoppos. 

I admire the grandeur and loneliness of the His last rest- 
Matoppos in Rhodesia and therefore I desire to in P lace - 

(a) Being thus domiciled in Rhodesia his estate is not 
subject to the death duties levied on those domiciled in 


The Shan 
gani monu- 

be buried in the Matoppos (b) on the hill which I 
used to visit and which I called the " View of the 
World " in a square to be cut in the rock on the 
top of the hill covered with a plain brass plate 
with these words thereon " Here lie the remains 
of Cecil John Rhodes " and accordingly I direct 
my Executors at the expense of my estate to take 
all steps and do all things necessary or proper to 
give effect to this my desire and afterwards to keep 
my grave in order at the expense of the Matoppos 
and Bulawayo Fund hereinafter mentioned. 

I direct my Trustees on the hill aforesaid 
to erect or complete the monument to the men 
who fell in the first Matabele War at Shangani 
in Rhodesia the bas-reliefs for which are being 
made by Mr. John Tweed and I desire the said 

(I)) Mr. Bertram Mitford says : " For grim, gloomy savagery 
of solitude it is probable that the stupendous rock wilderness 
known as the Matoppo Hills is unsurpassed throughout earth's 
surface. Strictly speaking, the term 'hills' scarcely applies 
to this marvellous range, which is rather an expanse of granite 
rocks extending some seventy or eighty miles by forty or fifty, 
piled in titanic proportions and bizarre confusion, over what 
would otherwise be a gently undulating surface, forming a kind 
of island as it were, surrounded by beautiful rolling country, 
green, smiling, and in parts thickly bushed. High on the out- 
side ridge of this remarkable range, about twenty miles distant 
from Bulawayo, towards which it faces, there rises a pile of 
granite boulders, huge, solid, compact. It is a natural 
structure ; an imposing and dominating one withal, and 
appropriately so, for this is the sepulchre of the warrior King 
Umzilikazi, founder and first monarch of the Matabele nation." 
Rhodesia says : " It would appear, according to the dis- 
covery of a Native Commissioner, that the hill on the summit 
of which the remains of Cecil Rhodes have been laid is known 
in the vernacular as ' Malindid/imo. 1 The literal translation 
of this is given as ' The Home of the Spirit of My Forefathers,' 
or, without straining the meaning unduly, ' The Home of tie 
Guardian Spirit.' It does not appear that Mr. Rhodes was 
aware of this rendering when he expressed a desire to be 
buried on that spot after his race was run." 


hill to be preserved as a burial-place (c) but no 
person is to be buried there unless the Govern- 
ment for the time being of Rhodesia until the 
various states of South Africa or any of them 
shall have been federated and after such federa- 
tion the Federal Government by a vote of two- 
thirds of its governing body says that he or 
she has deserved well of his or her country. 

(2.) His Property in Rhodesia. 

I give free of all duty whatsoever my landed The Bula- 
property near Bulawayo in Matabeleland Rhodesia ** n a a nd 
and my landed property at or near Inyanga Estates. 
near Salisbury in Mashonaland Rhodesia to my 
Trustees hereinbefore named Upon trust that 
my Trustees shall in such manner as in their 
uncontrolled discretion they shall think fit culti- 
vate the same respectively for the instruction of 
the people of Rhodesia. 

I give free of all duty whatsoever to my The Matop- 
Trustees hereinbefore named such a sum of P os ! and 

i i 11 r 11 i Bulawayo 

money as they shall carefully ascertain and in Fund, 
their uncontrolled discretion consider ample and 
sufficient by its investments to yield income 
amounting to the sum of ,4,000 sterling per 
annum and not less and I direct my Trustees 
to invest the same sum and the said sum and 

(c) A lady writing over the initials " S. C. S." in the 
Westminster Gazette says: "Very beautiful is a little story 
which I once heard told of Mr. Rhodes by Mr. G. Wyndham. 
Beautiful, because it contains the simple expression of a great 
thought, said quite simply, and without any desire to produce 
effect, in private to a friend. Mr. Wyndham told how, during 
his last visit to Africa, they rode together on to the summit of 
a hill in the Matoppos, which commanded a view of fifty miles 
in every direction. Circling his hands about the horizon, Mr. 
Rhodes said, ' Homes, more homes; that is what I work for.' " 








the investments for the time being representing 
it I hereinafter refer to as " the Matoppos and 
Bulawayo fund " And I direct that my Trustees 
shall for ever apply in such manner as in their 
uncontrolled discretion they shall think fit the 
income of the Matoppos and Bulawayo Fund in 
preserving protecting maintaining adorning and 
beautifying the said burial-place and hill and their 
surroundings and shall for ever apply in such 
manner as in their uncontrolled discretion they 
shall think fit the balance of the income of the 
Matoppos and Bulawayo Fund and any rents 
and profits of my said landed properties near 
Bulawayo in the cultivation as aforesaid of such 
property And in particular I direct my Trustees 
that a portion of my Sauerdale property a part 
of my said landed property near Bulawayo be 
planted with every possible tree and be made 
and preserved and maintained as a Park for the 
people of Bulawayo and that they complete the 
dam (d] at my Westacre property if it is not Westacre 

Park, its 

(d) A Daily Telegraph correspondent, writing from Bulawayo a 

on Oct. 14, 1901, gives the following account of the dam 
referred to in the will : " Mr. Rhodes's Matoppo Dam is to 
be used in connection with the irrigation of a portion of his 
farm near Bulawayo. This farm is situated on the northern 
edge of the Matoppos, eighteen miles from Bulawayo, and 
through it runs the valley of a tributary from the Malima 
River. This tributary is dry eight months in the yeir, and the 
land around consequently parched. Mr. Rhodes has built a 
huge earthwork wall to dam the tributary. The work was 
commenced in May, 1899. It will render possible the 
cultivation of some 2,000 to 3,000 acres of the most fertile soil. 
The total cost up to date has been something under ^30,000. 
The total capacity of the reservoir is 900,000,000 gallons. A 
small body of water was conserved last season, and fifty acres 
of lucerne planted as a commencement. It is doing extremely 
well under irrigation. The site of the works, the northern 
edge of the Matoppos, is very picturesque. The green lucerne 
makes a delightful contrast against the dull and hazy browns 



completed at my death and make a short railway 
line from Bulawayo to Westacre so that the 
people of Bulawayo may enjoy the glory of the 
Matoppos from Saturday to Monday. 

I give free of all duty whatsoever to my Theinyanga 
Trustees hereinbefore named such a sum of Fund - 
money as they shall carefully ascertain and in 
their uncontrolled discretion consider ample and 
sufficient by its investments to yield income 
amounting to the sum of ,2,000 sterling per 
annum and not less and I direct my Trustees to 
invest the same sum and the said sum and the 
investments for the time being representing it I 
hereinafter refer to as "the Inyanga Fund." 
And I direct that my Trustees shall for ever 
apply in such manner as in their absolute dis- 
cretion they shall think fit the income of the 
Inyanga Fund and any rents and profits of my 
said landed property at or near Inyanga (e) in 

of the surrounding country which prevail during the dry season. 
An hotel has been built on some rising ground overlooking 
the dam, and it is expected that it will be very popular as a 
holiday resort for the youth and beauty of Bulawayo become, 
in fact, the African replica of the famous Star and Garter at 

(e) Mr. Seymour Fort, writing in the Empire Review for May, 
1902, says : " Apart from his position as managing director of 
the British South Africa Company, Mr. Rhodes is one of the 
chief pioneer agriculturists in Rhodesia, and has spared neither 
brain nor capital in endeavouring to develop the resources of 
its soil. In Manicaland he owns a block of farms on the 
high Inyanga plateau, some 80,000 acres in extent, where on 
the open grass country he is breeding cattle and horses, while 
a certain portion is fenced and placed under cultivation. 
Great things are expected from these horse-breeding experi- 
ments, as the Inyanga hills are so far free from the horse- 
sickness so prevalent in other parts of South Africa. This 
plateau forms a succession of downs at an elevation of some 
6,000 feet above the sea. The soil is alluvial, of rich red 
colour and capable of growing every form of produce, and by 

B 2 






1 1 

the cultivation of such property and in particular Irrigation. 
I direct that with regard to such property irri- 
gation should be the first object of my Trustees. 

For the guidance of my Trustees I wish to An Agricul- 
record that in the cultivation of my said landed l 
properties I include such things as experimental 
farming, forestry, market and other gardening and 
fruit farming, irrigation and the teaching of any 
of those things and establishing and maintaining 
an Agricultural College. 

(3.) Groote Schuur. 

I give my property following that is to say 
my residence known as " De Groote Schuur" (_/) 

House and 

merely scratching the surface the natives raise crops of mealies 
and other cereals superior to those grown elsewhere in Manica- 
land. It is an old saying in South Africa that you find no 
good veldt without finding Dutchmen, and several Transvaal 
Boers have settled in the neighbourhood. English fruit trees 
flourish, and Mr. Rhodes has laid out orchards in which the 
orange, apple, and pear trees (now five years old) have borne 
well. Very interesting also are the evidences of an old and 
practically unknown civilisation the ancient ruins, the mathe- 
matically constructed water-courses and old gold workings 
which are to be seen side by side with the trans-African 
telegraph to Blantyre and Cairo which runs through the 
property, and connects Tete with the Zambesi." 

(/) Mr. Garrett, writing in the Pall Mall Magazine for May, 
1902, says: "If you would see Rhodes on his most winning 
side, you would seek it at Groote Schuur. It lies behind the 
Devil Peak, which is a flank buttressed by the great bastion of 
rock that is called Table Mountain. The house lies low^ 
nestling cosily among oaks. It was built in accordance with 
Mr. Rhodes's orders to keep it simple beams and whitewash. 
It was originally thatched, but ii was burnt down at the end 
of 1896. and everything was gutted but one wing. From the 
deep-pillared window where Mr. Rhodes mostly sat, and the 
little formal garden, the view leads up to a grassy slope and 
over woodland away to the crest of the buttressed peak and 
the great purple precipices of Table Mountain. Through the 
open park la.nd and wild wood koodoos, gnus, elands, and 


Approach to Groote Schuur. 


situate near Mowbray in the Cape Division in the 
said Colony together with all furniture plate and 
other articles contained therein at the time of my 
death and all other land belonging to me situated 
under Table Mountain including my property 
known as "Mosterts" to my Trustees herein- Mosterts. 
before named upon and subject to the conditions 
following (that is to say) : 

(i.) The said property (excepting any Conditions. 
furniture or like articles which have become 
useless) shall not nor shall any portion thereof 
at any time be sold let or otherwise alienated, 
(ii.) No buildings for suburban residences 
shall at any time be erected on the said 
property and any buildings which may be 
erected thereon shall be used exclusively for 
public purposes and shall be in a style of 
architecture similar to or in harmony with 
my said residence. 

(iii.) The said residence and its gardens Residence of 
and grounds shall be retained for a residence premier. 
for the Prime Minister for the time being of 
the said Federal Government of the States 

other African animals wander at will. Only the savage beasts 
are confined in enclosures. No place of the kind is so freely, 
so recklessly shared with the public. The estate became the 
holiday resort of the Cape Town masses ; but it is to be 
regretted that some of the visitors abused their privileges 
maimed and butchered rare and valuable beasts, and careless 
picknickers have caused great havoc in the woods by fire. 
Sometimes the visitors treat the house itself as a free 
museum, and are found wandering into Mr. Rhodes's own 
rooms or composedly reading in his library. Brown people 
from the slums of Cape Town fill the pinafores of their 
children with flowers plucked in his garden, and wander round 
the house as if it were their own. The favourite rendezvous 
in the ground was the lion-house, a classical lion-pit in which 
the tawny form of the king of beasts could be caught sight of 
between marble columns." 


of South Africa to which I have referred in 
clause 6 hereof my intention being to provide 
a suitable official residence for the First 
Minister in that Government befitting the 
dignity of his position and until there shall 
be such a Federal Government may be used 
as a park for the people (g}. 

(g) Writing in the Times on the artistic side of Mr. Rhodes, 
Mr. Herbert Baker, his architect, says : " Artistic problems 
first presented themselves to his mind when, as Premier of 
Cape Colony, he made his home in the Cape Peninsula. His 
intense and genuine love of the big and beautiful in natural 
scenery prompted him to buy as much as he could of the 
forest slopes of Table Mountain, so that it might be saved for 
ever from the hands of the builder, and the people, attracted to 
it by gardens, wild animals, and stately architecture, might be 
educated and ennobled by the contemplation of what he 
thought one of the finest views in the world. This love of 
mountain and distant view the peaks of the South African 
plateaux are seen 100 miles away across the Cape flats was 
deep-seated in his nature, and he would sit or ride silently for 
hours at a time, dreaming and looking at the views he loved 
a political poet. 

But from these create he can 
Forms more real than living man, 
Nurslings of Immortality. 

There are many stones of him telling worried and disputing 
politicians to turn from their " trouble of ants " to the Moun- 
tain for calm, and in the same spirit he placed the stone 
Phoenician hawk, found at Zimbabye, in the Cabinet Council- 
room, that the emblem of time might preside over their 
deliberations. The ennobling influence of natural scenery was 
present in his mind in connection with every site he chose and 
every building he contemplated ; such as a cottage he built, 
where poets or artists could live and look across to the blue 
mountain distance ; a University, where young men could be 
surrounded with the best of nature and of art ; a lion-house, a 
feature of which was to have been a long open colonnade, 
where the people could at once see the king of beasts and the 
lordliest of mountains ; the Kimberley " Bath," with its white 
marble colonnades embedded in a green oasis of orange grove 
and vine trellis, looking to the north over illimitable desert. 
Such things would perhaps occur to most men, but with him 


(iv.) The grave of the late Jan Hendrik The 
Hofmeyr upon the said property shall be Hofme y r 
protected and access be permitted thereto at 
all reasonable times by any member of the 
Hofmeyr family for the purpose of inspection 
or maintenance. 

I give to my Trustees hereinbefore named The Groote 
such a sum of money as they shall carefully ascer- | ch ", ur 
tain and in their uncontrolled discretion consider 
to be ample and sufficient to yield income amount- 
ing to the sum of one thousand pounds sterling 
per annum and not less upon trust that such 
income shall be applied and expended for the 
purposes following (that is to say) 

(i.) On and for keeping and maintaining its objects. 
for the use of the Prime Minister for the 
time being of the said Federal Government 
of at least two carriage horses one or more 
carriages and sufficient stable servants. 

(ii.) On and for keeping and maintaining 
in good order the flower and kitchen gardens 
appertaining to the said residence. 

(iii.) On and for the payment of the wages 
or earnings including board and lodging of 
two competent men servants to be housed 
kept and employed in domestic service in 
the said residence. 

(iv.) On and for the improvement repair 
renewal and insurance of the said residence 
furniture plate and other articles. 

they were a passion, almost a religion. Of his more monu- 
mental architectural schemes few have been realised. For 
these his taste lay in the direction of the larger and simpler 
styles of Rome, Greece, and even Egypt, recognizing the 
similarity of the climate and natural scenery of South Africa to 
that of classic Southern Europe. He had the building ambition 
of a Pericles or a Hadrian, and in his untimely death architec- 
ture has the greatest cause to mourn." 

The Hall. 

Dealers were in the habit of leaving curios in the hall for Mr. Rhodes' s inspection. 

A The Library. 

Showing stone figure (Phcenician hawk} from ancient gold workings in Rhodesia. 



The Billiard-room. 

The Panelled Room. 


I direct that subject to the conditions and 
trusts hereinbefore contained the said Federal 
Government shall from the time it shall be con- 
stituted have the management administration and 
control of the said devise and legacy and that 
my Trustees shall as soon as may be thereafter 
vest and pay the devise and legacy given by the 
two last preceding clauses hereof in and to such 
Government if a corporate body capable of 
accepting and holding the same or if not then 
in some suitable corporate body so capable 
named by such Government and that in the 
meantime my Trustees shall in their uncontrolled 
discretion manage administer and control the said 
devise and legacy. 

(4.) Bequests to Oriel College, Oxford. 

I give the sum of ,100,000 free of all duty 
whatsoever to my old college Oriel College in the 
University of Oxford (//) and I direct that the 

(/;) In the list of the Masters of Arts of Oriel College, in 
the year 1881, occurs this entry: "Rhodes, Cecil John," to 
which a note is added, "late Premier of the Cape Colony." 

Tradition says that Oriel was first founded by Edward II., 
who vowed as he fled from Bannockburn he would found a 
religious house in the Virgin's honour if only Our Lady would 
save from the pursuing Scot. Edward III. gave the University 
the. mansion called Le Oriole which stood on the present site 
of the College. 

A portrait of Sir Walter Raleigh hangs on the walls of the 
College Hall. 

The present income of the College is said to be not more 
than ,7,500 per annum. The revenue of the twenty-one 
Colleges of Oxford is 206, 102, or less than ^10,000 each. 

The present Provost of Oriel is David Binning Monro : he 
is also Vice-Chancellor of the University. Among the hon. 
Fellows are Mr. Goldwin Smith, Lord Goschen, and Mr. Bryce. 

Among the famous names associated with Oriel besides those 
of Raleigh and Rhodes are the following : Archbishop 


receipt of the Bursar or other proper officer of the 

College shall be a complete discharge for that 

legacy and inasmuch as I gather that the erection 

of an extension to High Street of the College For College 

buildings would cost about ,22,500 and that the buildings. 

loss to the College revenue caused by pulling 

down of houses to make room for the said new 

College buildings would be about ,250 per annum 

I direct that the sum of ,40,000 part of the said 

sum of .100,000 shall be applied in the first place 

in the erection of the said new College buildings (z) 

and that the remainder of such sum of ,40,000 

shall be held as a fund by the income whereof 

the aforesaid loss to the College revenue shall so 

tar as possible be made good. 

And inasmuch as I gather that there is a Resident 

j c. ii_ /^ 11 r r Fellows. 

deficiency in the College revenue of some & 1,500 
per annum whereby the Fellowships are impover- 
ished and the status of the College is lowered I 

Arundel, Cardinal Allen, Bishop Butler, Prynne, Langland, 
author of " Piers Plowman" ; Barclay, author of "The Ship 
of Fools " ; Gilbert White, author of the " Natural History of 
Selborne " ; Thomas Hughes, author of " Tom Brown's 
Schooldays"; Dr. Arnold, Bishop Wilberforce, Archbishop 
Whately, Cardinal Newman, Dr. Pusey, John Keble, Bishop 

(/') The extension of Oriel College cannot at present take 
place. St. Mary Hall, which adjoins the College, belongs to 
the Principal (Dr. Chase), who was appointed to that position 
as far back as December, 1857. A statute made by the last 
Commission provided that upon his death St. Mary Hall shall 
be merged into Oriel College. The College has always con- 
templated, sooner or later, an extension of its buildings to 
High Street. The Hall runs close up to the houses facing the 
University Church, and the majority of these premises already 
belong to Oriel College. The northern side of the quadrangle 
of St. Mary Hall will ultimately be pulled down, together with 
the High Street shops, and the new buildings will face the 
main thoroughfare on the one hand and the quadrangle on 
the other. 



The High 

direct that the sum of ,40,000 further part of the 
said sum of ,100,000 shall be held as a fund by 
the income whereof the income of such of the 
resident Fellows of the College as work for the 
honour and dignity of the College shall be 
increased (/). 

And I further direct that the sum of 10,000 
further part of the said sum of 100,000 shall be 
held as a fund by the income whereof the dignity 
and comfort of the High Table may be maintained 
by which means the dignity and comfort of the 
resident Fellows may be increased. 

And I further direct that the sum of 10,000 
the remainder of the said sum of .100,000 shall 
be held as a repair fund the income whereof shall 
be expended in maintaining and repairing the 
College buildings. 

And finally as the College authorities live 
the^childhke se cluded from the world and so are like children (k] 
as to commercial matters I would advise them to 


Counsel to 

(/) A senior member of Oriel when interviewed on the 
subject of Mr. Rhodes's bequests said : " The College 
revenues do not admit at present of their paying the Fellows as 
much as the Commission contemplated, and so far they had 
been at a disadvantage. Mr. Rhodes probably became aware 
of this fact, and wished to enable the College to reach the 
limit set by the Commission, ^200 a year, as the maximum. 
The limit imposed by the Commissioners will not apply to 
Mr. Rhodes's bequest, it being a new endowment, so that not 
only may the emoluments of the Fellowships reach the figure 
specified by the Commissioners, but go beyond that. So far 
Oriel College has not been able to rise to the level which the 
Commissioners considered a proper amount. As to the 
amount set apart for the High Table, we do not want more 
comforts or luxuries, we are quite happy as we are. We have 
enough to eat, but still, it was very kind of Mr. Rhodes to 
think of us in that way." 

(K) Possibly Cecil Rhodes was thinking when lie spoke of the 
childlike and secluded Don of a story current in his day at 
Oriel and current still of John Keble, who was better at 


consult my Trustees as to the investment of these 
various funds for they would receive great help 
and assistance from the advice of my Trustees in 
such matters and I direct that any investment 
made pursuant to such advice shall whatsoever it 
may be be an authorized investment for the money 
applied in making it. 

(5.) The Scholarships at Oxford. 

Whereas I consider that the education of Objects of 
young Colonists at one of the Universities in the Education. 
United Kingdom is of great advantage to them 
for giving breadth to their views for their instruc- 
tion in life and manners (/) and for instilling into 
their minds the advantage to the Colonies as well 
as to the United Kingdom of the retention of the 
unity of the Empire. 

Christian poetry than at worldly calculation. One day Keble, 
who was Bursar, discovered to his horror that the College 
accounts came out nearly two thousand pounds on the wrong 
side. The learned and pious men of Oriel tried to find the 
weak spot, but it was not until expert opinion was called that 
they found that Keble, casting up a column, had added the 
date of the year to Oriel's debts ! 

(/) Mr. Rhodes, speaking to Mr. Iwan Miiller on the subject 
of his scholarships, said : " A lot of young Colonials go to 
Oxford and Cambridge, and come back with a certain anti- 
English feeling, imagining themselves to have been slighted 
because they were Colonials. That, of course, is all nonsense. 
I was a Colonial, and I knew everybody I wanted to know, 
and everybody who wanted to knew me. The explanation is 
that most of these youngsters go there on the strength of 
scholarships, and insufficient allowances, and are therefore 
practically confined to one set, that of men as poor as them- 
selves, who use the University naturally and quite properly only 
as a stepping-stone to something else. They are quite right, 
but they don't get what I call a University Education, which is 
the education of rubbing shoulders with every kind of indi- 
vidual and class on absolutely equal terms ; therefore a very 
poor man can never get the full value of an Oxford training." 


of Residence. 




The Union 
of the 

And whereas in the case of young Colonists 
studying at a University in the United Kingdom 
I attach very great importance to the University 
having a residential system such as is in force at 
the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge for 
without it those students are at the most critical 
period of their lives left without any supervision. 

And whereas there are at the present time 50 
or more students from South Africa studying at 
the University of Edinburgh many of whom are 
attracted there by its excellent medical school and 
I should like to establish some of the Scholarships 
hereinafter mentioned in that University but 
owing to its not having such a residential system 
as aforesaid I feel obliged to refrain from doing 
so. And whereas my own University the 
University of Oxford has such a system and I 
suggest that it should try and extend its scope so 
as if possible to make its medical school at 
least as good as that at the University of 
Edinburgh (m). 

And whereas I also desire to encourage and 
foster an appreciation of the advantages which I 

(m) "Mr. Rhodes," says "A Senior Member of Oriel," 
" suggests that the University shall develop a medical school 
of the kind they have in Edinburgh. That might involve a 
considerable expense on the University which it is hardly in a 
position to bear, being very short of money as it is. The 
question of a medical school has been often discussed, and so 
far the conclusion arrived at has been adverse to the idea of 
the establishment of a medical school at Oxford. It has been 
considered that the infirmary at Oxford is not big enough, and 
the cases are not sufficiently numerous to provide practical 
experience for the students. The idea has been that they 
should get their general knowledge at Oxford, and then obtain 
practical hospital work elsewhere." 

Commenting upon this, a distinguished Oxford Professor 
said : " The opinion expressed by a senior member of Oriel 
College of the present position of the Medical School in 

Marble Bath-room, Groote Schuur. 

; '-- 

Mr. Rhodes's Bedroom. 

The bed was made by local craftsmen from a South African wood of great hardness. 

C 2 


Copyright reserved.} 

From Mr. Tennyson-Cole's Portrait of Mr. Rhodes. 

(Purchased by Oriel College, Oxford.) 


implicitly believe will result from the union of the 
English-speaking peoples throughout the world 
and to encourage in the students from the United 
States of North America who will benefit from 
the American Scholarships to be established for 
the reason above given at the University of 
Oxford under this my Will an attachment to the 
country from which they have sprung but without 

Oxford is in the main correct, but contains one sentence 
which conveys an erroneous impression of the present attitude 
of the University in relation to medical teaching. 

"A medical education comprises three kinds of study, 
each of which must be of first-rate quality. One of these is 
preliminary, and consists in the theoretical and practical study 
of general science. The second comprises anatomy, physi- 
ology, pathology, pharmacology, and hygiene. The third is 
purely professional, and corresponds to what used to be called 
walking the hospitals. 

" The subject of the first, namely, inorganic and organic 
chemistry, natural philosophy, and biology are now amply 
provided for in the University. We have laboratories which 
are well equipped for present needs, though no doubt they 
may require extension at a future period ; and very complete 
collections for illustrating the instruction given in zoology and 

" Tne subjects of the second part are those which 
.constitute the science of medicine as distinguished from its 
practice. A physiological department was established some 
fifteen years ago, the equipment of which will certainly bear 
comparison with any other in the country. More space is, 
however, required for the development of certain branches of 
the subject. The department of human anatomy has been 
completed for ten years. 

"It has a museum, a commodious dissecting-room with 
all modern improvements, and all other adjuncts that are 
required for the teaching of a subject so important to medicine. 
The pathological laboratory was opened by the Vice-Chancellor 
six months ago. It is more closely related to practical medi- 
cine than the others, and constitutes a common ground 
between the University and the Radcliffe Infirmary. As 
regards the building and the internal arrangements, it is all 
that could be desired, but the funds available for its complete 


The Shangani Monument. 

These are small reproductions of tw3 oj four bas-reliefs which are being made 
by Mr. John Tweed, the sculptor, for the monument to the men who fell in 
the first MataMe War at Shangani. (See page 4.) 


I hope withdrawing them or their sympathies 
from the land of their adoption or birth. 

Now therefore I direct my Trustees as soon Three-year 
as may be after my death and either simultaneously scholar- 
or gradually as they shall find convenient and if ships. 
gradually then in such order as they shall think 
fit to establish for male students the Scholarships 
hereinafter directed to be established each of 
which shall be of the yearly value of ^300 and 
be tenable at any College in the University of 
Oxford for three consecutive academical years (n}. 

equipment are inadequate, nor has the University as yet been 
able to provide sufficient remuneration for the teaching staff. 

" The only branches of medical science, for the teaching of 
which special departments have not yet been established, are 
pharmacology (action of drugs) and public health. 

" As regards the third part of the medical curriculum, viz., 
instruction in the practice of medicine, the University had 
adopted the principle that the two or three years which its 
students must devote to their purely professional studies 
must be spent where the existence of great hospitals affords 
opportunities for seeing medical and surgical practice in all 
its branches. 

" As regards medicine, Oxford has been for the last dozen 
years providing what it considers the best possible education. 
The practical difficulty which prevents many from taking 
advantage of it is the long duration of the total period of 
study. The Oxford student of medicine must spend some six 
or seven years, reckoned from the date of matriculation to the 
completion of his hospital work. This time cannot be 
shortened with advantage. For those who come with the 
income to which Mr. Rhodes's munificent bequest affords this 
difficulty will scarcely exist. The scholarship will abundantly 
provide for the years spent in Oxford and enable its holders 
to compete with advantage for the Hospital Scholarships which 
have been already mentioned." 

(n) The Rev. W. Greswell, M.A., wrote to the Times on 
April 9th as follows : " A scholarship foundation given during 
his lifetime by the Right Hon. C. J. Rhodes has already been 
in force at the Diocesan College, Rondebosch, near Cape 
Town. This year two members of the college W. T. 
Yeoman and F. Reid have been awarded ^175 per annum 


I direct my Trustees to establish certain 
Scholarships and these Scholarships I some- 

and ^125 per annum respectively in order to help them to go 
to one of the colleges at Oxford and continue the studies 
they have begun at the Cape. Originally the endowment was 
of ^250 per annum for a single scholarship, tenable for three 
years at Oxford; but quite recently, by an additional act of 
generosity on the part of the donor, ^50 per annum was 
added to the value of the scholarship, bringing it up to ^300 
per annum. At the same time a discretionary power was 
given to the Diocesan College to apportion the whole sum, 
pro hac vice, between the first two competitors, if it seemed ex- 
pedient to do so and if the parents were willing and able to 
add something of their own. For Mr. Rhodes always thought 
that a student coming to Oxford should have a thoroughly 
sufficient, if not good, allowance, in order that he might enter 
into every phase of University life without the ever-present 
thought of the ' res angusta domi.' The scholars-elect are 
still continuing their studies at the college at Rondebosch until 
such time as they are ready to proceed to Oxford in 1903. 
Mr. Rhodes made, in the case of the Diocesan College, some- 
what the same stipulation as to tests and proficiency as in his 
subsequent magnificent endowments." 

The Bursar of Christ Church being questioned as to the 
point whether the ^300 a year would close the gates of Christ 
Church to the Rhodes scholars, Mr. Skene pointed out that 
it all depended on the question whether the ^300 a year was 
to keep the scholars the whole year through, both in term time 
at the University and in vacation elsewhere, or merely during 
the University years of six months. " If the latter," he said, 
" then ^300 a year will keep them comfortably enough at 
Christ Church, and will enable them to enter into the social 
and varied life of the House. But if this amount is also to 
serve for vacation expenses, the balance left for the University 
will make it impossible, or, at any rate, inadvisable, for them 
to come to Christ Church." 

A senior member of Oriel says Mr. Rhodes contemplated 
that the sum he provides shall be sufficient to maintain the 
recipients, together with their personal expenses, travelling, 
clothing, etc., and to enable them to mix freely in the society 
of the place and take a position amongst men who are well 
equipped in this world's goods. An ordinary young man at 
Oxford I don't say at this college would be comfortably off 
with an allowance of ^250 a year, and many parents allow 


times hereinafter refer to as "the Colonial 
Scholarships. "(0) 

their sons that amount. Mr. Rhodes makes it ^300 
probably he took into consideration that people coming from 
abroad would have to face extra expenditure in the shape of 
travelling expenses. 

(0} Mr. Stevenson, of Exeter College, says there already 
exists in Oxford a small Colonial club for occasional meetings 
and dinners and the supply of friendly information. But the 
Colonials whom I have known very readily merge in the 
surrounding mass of undergraduates. There are several 
Colonials and Americans, for example, at Balliol, and Corpus, 
and Lincoln, and St. John's. Morally they are strong men, 
and they are popular. Then they are good athletes. We had 
two Americans in the boat this year. If Mr. Rhodes's trust 
should be the means of our getting some gigantic Colonials 
or even Boers, for he excludes no race who can do great 
things, say, at putting the weight, we may be able to wipe out 
Cambridge altogether ! All Oxonians would agree that that 
would be a great achievement. 

Photograph by] 

Oriel College, Oxford. 

[Taunt, Oxford. 


The Colonial 

The appropriation of the Colonial Scholar- 
ships and the numbers to be annually filled up 
shall be in accordance with the following table : 


total No. 

To be tenable by Students of 
or from 

No. of Scholar- 
ships to be 
Filled up in 
each Year. 



3 and no more 


The South African Col- 

lege School in the 
Colony of the Cape 

i and no more 

of Good Hope. 


The Stellenbosch Col-j 

lege School in the I 

i and no more 

same Colony 

South Africa 24 , 


The Diocesan College 

School of Ronde- 

i and no more 

bosch in the same 



St. Andrew's College") 

School Grahams- ? 

i and no more 



The Colony of Natal) 
in the same Colony) 

i and no more 


The Colony of New) 
South Wales ) 

i and no more 


The Colony of Victoria i and no more 


The Colony of South) x and no more 

Australia ) 


The Colony of Queens- 

i and no more 

Australasia . 21 



The Colony of Western 

; i and no more 



The Colony of Tas- 

i and no more 


, 3 

The Colony of New 

i and no more 



The Province of On-1 

tario in the Domi-V i and no more 

Canada . . 6 


nion of Canada 
The Province of Que-] 

bee in the Dominion 

> i and no more 

of Canada 


The Colony or Island 

of Newfoundland 

i and no more 

Atlantic Is- 

and its Depen- 

lands . . 6 


, 3 

The Colony or Islands" 

i and no more 

of the Bermudas ' 

West Indies 3 


The Colony or Island" 

i and no more 

of Jamaica \ 

Total . 60 

20 ( f>} 



I further direct my Trustees to establish American 
additional Scholarships sufficient in number for s 
the appropriation in the next following clause 
hereof directed and those Scholarships I some- 

(/) The following is a list of Colonies to which no 
Scholarships have been appropriated : 

CANADA Nova Scotia 459.000 
New Brunswick 331,000 
Prince Edward Island ... 103,250 about 
Manitoba 246,500 ... 100,000 
North-West Territories ... 220,000 
British Columbia 190,000 

WEST INDIES ... Bahamas 
Leeward Islands 
Windward Islands ... 

i 549,750 100,000 

15,000 38,000 
5,000 122,500 
5,000 92,500 


Trinidad and Tobago 


10,000 262,000 

50,000 695,000 

264,000 179,000 

20,000 3,922,000 

Hong Kong 

2,500 97,500 
3,75' 621,^0^ 

i S'Q ' 


The following is 
have been allotted :- 



the population of 

Cape Colony 
New South Wales .. 

the Colonies to which scholarships 

n,coo ... 800,000 ... 9 
500,000 ...1,850,000 ... 12 
64,900 ... 865,000 ... 3 
... 1,35^,000 ... 7,200 . 3 

South Australia 
Western Australia. .. 
New Zeiland 

... 353,000 ... 7,000 ... 3 
473,000 ... 30,200 ... 3 
152,500 ... 30,000 ... 3 
770,000 ... 46,030 ... 3 
... 173,000 ... ... 3 
... 2,168,000 ... ... 3 


15,000 ... 730,000 ... 3 

Thus a population of 13,460,000 persons in the British Colonies is 
allotted 60 scholarships. A population of 76,000,000 in the United States 
is only allowed 100 scholarships. But a population of 7,405,000 persons, 
excluding India, Nigeria and Egypt, are allotted no scholarships at all. 
The average of scholarships to population is one in 760,000 in the United 
States, and one in 224,000 in the fifteen British Colonies to which they have 
been allotted. If the omitted British Colonies were dealt with on the same 
scale as the fifteen, 33 new scholarships would have to be founded. 



times hereinafter refer to as " the American 

I appropriate two of the American Scholar- 
ships to each of the present States and Territories 
of the United States of North America, (q] Pro- 

(g) The following is a list of the States and Territories of 
the United States, with their population at the time of the last 
census : 








Rhode Island 



i,3 II >5 6 4 

South Carolina . 




South Dakota 












Utah . . . 


Florida . 

5 2 8,54 2 

Vermont . 


Georgia . 


Virginia . 




Washington . 


Illinois . 


West Virginia 


Indiana . 








Kansas . 


Kentucky . 






Maine . 





Massachusetts . 


Alaska . 




A rizona 


Minnesota . 
Mississippi . 


loS 1 , 2 7 

District of Col-) 
umbia . $ 




Hawaii . 




Indian Terri-j 
tory . . J 


Nevada . 


New Mexico . 


New Hampshire 


Oklahama . 


New Jersey . 



New York . 



North Carolina . 




North Dakota . 



Ohio . . . 


5 Territories. 

Oregon . 

4i3,53 6 


6,302,115 U.S. TOTAL . 



vided that if any of the said Territories shall 
in my lifetime be admitted as a State the 
Scholarships appropriated to such Territory 
shall be appropriated to such State and that 
my Trustees may in their uncontrolled dis- 
cretion withhold for such time as they shall 
think fit the appropriation of Scholarships to any 

I direct that of the two Scholarships 
appropriated to a State or Territory not 
more than one shall be filled up in any year so 
that at no time shall more than two Scholar- 
ships be held for the same State or Terri- 
tory, (r) 

By Codicil executed in South Africa Mr. German 
Rhodes after stating that the German Emperor Sc . holar - 

, , , . . i~i . . , . ships. 

had made instruction m English compulsory in 
German schools establishes fifteen Scholarships 
at Oxford (five in each of the first three years 
after his death) of ^250 each tenable for three 
years for students of German birth to be nomi- 
nated by the German Emperor for " a good 
understanding between England Germany and 
the United States of America will secure the 

(r) Mr. Stevenson, of Exeter College, told an interviewer 
recently a good story of an American who came to Oxford 
without a scholarship or other aid. He was a wild Westerner, 
and unceremoniously walked into a college one day and asked 
to see the Head. He then asked to be admitted on the books. 
He had no particular references, but clearly was a strong man. 
After some time he was admitted. He read hard and played 
hard. In the long vacation he returned to America and worked 
for his living at one time as a foreman of bricklayers and 
brought back enough money to go on with. In the Christmas 
" vac." he went to America and lectured on Oxford and 
England, and again brought back more money. And so he 
gradually kept his terms and eventually took double honours. 
" He was very well read : most interesting : most enthusiastic. 
We could do with many like him." 


The selec- 
tion of the 

The four 

peace of the world and educational relations form 
the strongest tie." (s) 

My desire being that the students who shall 
be elected to the Scholarships shall not be 
merely bookworms I direct that in the election 
of a student to a Scholarship regard shall 
be had to 

(i.) his literary and scholastic attainments 
(ii.) his fondness of and success in manly 
outdoor sports such as cricket football and 
the like 

(iii.) his qualities of manhood truth courage 
devotion to duty sympathy for the protection 
of the weak kindliness unselfishness and 

(iv.) his exhibition during school days of 
moral force of character and of instincts to 
lead and to take an interest in his school- 
mates for those latter attributes will be likely 
in after-life to guide him to esteem the per- 
formance of public duty as his highest aim. 

(s) I am assured, says the Daily Telegraph Berlin corre- 
spondent, that Kaiser Wilhelm himself was much struck by the 
donor's generosity, and by the motives which actuated him in 
thinking of Germany in this way. His Majesty was specially 
touched by the attention shown to himself, and forthwith 
signified his intention to comply with the stipulation thai 
candidates for the scholarships should be nominated by himself. 
In due time they will be so selected by the Kaiser. 

Mr. W. G. Black, of Glasgow, writes to the Spectator : 
" Mr. Rhodes seems to have been impressed by the German 
Emperor's direction that English should be taught in the 
schools of Germany. It may not be uninteresting to note that 
his Majesty's first action on receiving Heligoland from Great 
Britain was to prohibit the teaching of English in the 
island schools. That was in 1890. The prohibition was 
bitterly resented by the people, who had since 1810 been 
subjects of the British Crown, but they were, of course,, 



Apportion- As mere suggestions for the guidance of those 

marks! w ^ w ^l have the choice of students for the 
Scholarships I record that (i.) my ideal qualified 
student would combine these four qualifications 
in the proportions of three-tenths for the first 
two-tenths for the second three-tenths for the 
third and two-tenths for the fourth qualification 
so that according to my ideas if the maximum 
number of marks for any Scholarship were 200 
they would be apportioned as follows 60 to 
each of the first and third qualifications and 
40 to each of the second and fourth qualifications 
(ii.) the marks for the several qualifications would 
be awarded independently as follows (that is to 
say) the marks for the first qualification by 
examination for the second and third qualifica- 
tions respectively by ballot by the fellow-students 
of the candidates and for the fourth qualification 
by the head master of the candidate's school and 
(iii.) the results of the awards (that is to say the 
marks obtained by each candidate for each 
qualification) would be sent as soon as possible 
for consideration to the Trustees or to some 
person or persons appointed to receive the same 
and the person or persons so appointed would 
ascertain by averaging the marks in blocks of 20 
marks each of all candidates the best ideal quali- 
fied students. (/) 

(/) The following account of the discussion which took 
place when the proportion of marks was finally settled is quoted 
from the REVIEW OF REVIEWS, May, 1902, p. 480. The 
discussion is reported by Mr. Stead, who was present with Mr. 
Rhodes and Mr. Hawksley : 

Then, later on, when Mr. Hawksley came in, we had a 
long discussion concerning the number of marks to be allotted 
under each of the heads. 

Mr. Rhodes said : " I'll take a piece of paper. I have got 
my three things. You know the way I put them," he said 


No student shall be qualified or disqualified for No Racial 

1 011 !_ fi_ r Religious 

election to a Scholarship on account ot his race or Tests, 
religious opinions. 

Except in the cases of the four schools herein- Method of 
before mentioned the election to Scholarships 
shall be by the Trustees after such (if any) con- 
sultation as they shall think fit with the Minister 

laughing, as he wrote down the points. " First, there are the 
three qualities. You know I am all against letting the scholar- 
ships merely to people who swot over books, who have spent 
all their time over Latin and Greek. But you must allow for 
that element which I call 'smug,' and which means scholar- 
ship. That is to stand for four-tenths. Then there is 
' brutality,' which stands for two-tenths. Then there is tact 
and leadership, again two-tenths, and then there is ' unctuous 
rectitude,' two-tenths. That makes up the whole. You see 
how it works." 

Then Mr. Hawksley read the draft clause, the idea of 
which was suggested by Lord Rosebery, I think. The scheme 
as drafted ran somewhat in this way : 

A scholarship tenable at Oxford for three years at ^300 
a year is to be awarded to the scholars at some particular 
school in the Colony or State. The choice of the candidate 
ultimately rests with the trustees, who, on making their choice, 
must be governed by the following considerations. Taking 
one thousand marks as representing the total, four hundred 
should be allotted for an examination in scholarship, conducted 
in the ordinary manner on the ordinary subjects. Two 
hundred shall be awarded for proficiency in manly sports, for 
the purpose of securing physical excellence. Two hundred 
shall be awarded (and this is the most interesting clause of all) 
to those who, in their intercourse with their fellows, have dis- 
played most of the qualities of tact and skill which go to the 
management of men, who have shown a public spirit in the 
affairs of their school or their class, who are foremost in the 
defence of the weak and the friendless, and who display those 
moral qualities which qualify them to be regarded as capable 
leaders of men. The remaining two hundred would be vested 
in the headmaster. 

The marks in the first category would be awarded by com- 
petitive examination in the ordinary manner ; in the second 
and third categories the candidate would be selected by the 
vote of his fellows in the school The headmaster would of 


having the control of education in such Colony, 
Province, State or Territory. 

A qualified student who has been elected as 
aforesaid shall within six calendar months after 
his election or as soon thereafter as he can be 
admitted into residence or within such extended 
time as my Trustees shall allow commence 

course vote alone. It is provided that the vote of the scholars 
should be taken by ballot ; that the headmaster should nomi- 
nate his candidate before the result of the competitive examina- 
tion under (i), or of the ballot under (2) and (3) was known, 
and the ballot would take place before the result of the 
competitive examination was known, so that the trustees would 
have before them the names of the first scholar judged by 
competitive examination, the first selected for physical 
excellence and for moral qualities, and the choice of the 
headmaster. The candidate under each head would be 
selected without any knowledge as to who would come out on 
top in the other categories. To this Mr. Rhodes had objected 
on the ground that it gave "unctuous rectitude" a casting 
vote, and he said "unctuous rectitude" would always vote 
for " smug," and the physical and moral qualities would 
go by the board. To this I added the further objection that 
" smug" and "brutality" might tie, and "unctuous rectitude " 
might nominate a third person, who was selected neither by 
" smug " nor " unctuous rectitude," with the result that there 
would be a tie, and the trustees would have to choose without 
any information upon which to base their judgment. So I 
insisted, illustrating it by an imaginary voting paper, that the 
only possible way to avoid these difficulties was for the trustees 
or the returning officer to be furnished not merely with the 
single name which heads each of the four categories, but with 
the result of the ballot to five or even ten down, and that the 
headmaster should nominate in order of preference the same 
number. The marks for the first five or ten in the competitive 
examination would of course also be recorded, and in that case 
the choice would be automatic. The scholar selected would 
be the one who had the majority of marks, and it might easily 
happen that the successful candidate was one who was not top 
in any one of the categories. Mr. Rhodes strongly supported 
this view, and Mr. Hawksley concurred, and a clause is to be 
prepared stating that all the votes rendered at any rate for the 
first five or ten should be notified to the trustees, and also the 

Photograph by} 

Mr. B. F. Hawksley. 

[E. H. Mills. 

D 2 


residence as an undergraduate at some college in 
the University of Oxford. 

The scholarships shall be payable to him from 
the time when he shall commence such residence. 

I desire that the Scholars holding the scholar- Scholars to 
ships shall be distributed amongst the Colleges of be d jstri- 
the University of Oxford and not resort in undue colleges 
numbers to one or more Colleges only. 

order of precedence for five or ten to the headmaster. Mr. 
Rhodes then said he did not see why the trustees need have 
any responsibility in the matter, except in case of dispute, when 
their decision should be final. This I strongly supported, 
saying that provided the headmaster had to prepare his list 
before the result in the balloting or competition was known, 
he might be constituted returning officer, or, if need be, one of 
the head boys might be empowered to act with him, and then 
the award of the scholarship would be a simple sum in arith- 
metic. There would be no delay, and nothing would be done 
to weaken the interest. As soon as the papers were all in the 
marks could be counted up, and the scholarship proclaimed. 

First I raised the question as to whether the masters should 
be allowed to vote. Mr. Rhodes said it did not matter. 
There would only be fourteen in a school of six hundred boys, 
and their votes would not count. I said that they would have 
a weight far exceeding their numerical strength, for if they were 
excluded from any voice they would not take the same interest 
that they would if they had a vote, while their judgment would 
be a rallying point for the judgment of the scholars. I 
protested against making the masters Outlanders, depriving 
them of votes, and treating them like political helots, at which 
Rhodes laughed. But he was worse than Kruger, and would 
not give them the franchise on any terms. 

Then Mr. Hawksley said he was chiefly interested in the 
third category that is, moral qualities of leadership. I said 
yes, it was the best and the most distinctive character of Mr. 
Rhodes's school ; that I was an outside barbarian, never 
having been to a university or a public school, and therefore I 
spoke with all deference ; but speaking as an outside barbarian, 
and knowing Mr. Rhodes's strong feeling against giving too 
much preponderance to mere literary ability, I thought it 
would be much better to alter the proportion of marks to be 
awarded for " smug " and moral qualities respectively, that is 
to say, I would reduce the " smug " to 200 votes, and put 4op 




The Annual 

Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore con- 
tained my Trustees may in their uncontrolled 
discretion suspend for such time as they shall 
think fit or remove any Scholar from his 

In order that the Scholars past and present 
may have opportunities of meeting and discussing 
their experiences and prospects I desire that my 
Trustees shall annually give a dinner to the past 
and present Scholars able and willing to attend at 

on to moral qualities. Against this both Mr. Rhodes and 
Mr. Hawksley protested, Mr. Rhodes objecting that in that 
case the vote of the scholars would be the deciding factor, and 
the " smug " and " unctuous rectitude " would be outvoted. 
If brutality and moral qualities united their votes they would 
poll 600, as against 400. 

It was further objected, both Mr. Rhodes and Mr. Hawks- 
ley drawing upon their own reminiscences of school-days, that 
hero-worship prevailed to such an extent among schoolboys 
that a popular idol, the captain of an eleven, or the first in his 
boat, might be voted in although he had no moral qualities at 
all. Mr. Hawksley especially insisted upon the importance of 
having a good share of culture in knowledge of Greek and 
Roman and English history. Then I proposed as a com- 
promise that we should equalise " smug " and moral qualities. 
Mr. Rhodes accepted this, Mr. Hawksley rather reproaching 
him for being always ready to make a deal. But Mr. Rhodes 
pointed out that he had resisted the enfranchisement of the 
masters, who were to be helots, and he had also refused to 
reduce " smug " to 200, and thought 300 was a fair com- 
promise. So accordingly it was fixed that it had to be 300 
300 for " smug " and 300 for moral qualities, while " unctuous 
rectitude " and " brutality " are left with 200 each. 

We all agreed that this should be done, half the marks are 
at the disposal of the voting of the scholars, the other half for 
competition and the headmaster. It also emphasises the 
importance of qualities entirely ignored in the ordinary com- 
petitive examinations, which was Mr. Rhodes's great idea. 
Mr Rhodes was evidently pleased with the change, for just as 
we were leaving the hotel he called Mr. Hawksley back 
and said, " Remember, three-tenths," so three-tenths it is 
to be. 


which I hope my Trustees or some of them will 
be able to be present and to which they will I hope 
from time to time invite as guests persons who 
have shown sympathy with the views expressed 
by me in this my Will. 

(6.) The Dalham Hall Estate. 

The Dalham Hall Estate (21) is by Codicil 
dated January i8th 1902 strictly settled on 
Colonel Francis Rhodes and his heirs male with 
remainder to Captain Ernest Frederick Rhodes 
and his heirs male. 

The Codicil contains the following clause : 
Whereas I feel that it is the essence of a proper "The 
life that every man should during" some substantial essence f a 

. T , v T , r i proper life." 

period thereof have some definite occupation and 
I object to an expectant heir developing into what 
I call a " loafer." 

And whereas the rental of the Dalham Hall On encum- 
Estate is not more than sufficient for the mainten- k. ered 

r , , ... Estates. 

ance of the estate and my experience is that one 
of the things making for the strength of England 
is the ownership of country estates which could 
maintain the dignity and comfort of the head of 
the family but that this position has been abso- 
lutely ruined by the practice of creating charges 
upon the estates either for younger children or 
for the payment of debts whereby the estates 
become insufficient to maintain the head of the 
family in dignity and comfort. 

And whereas I humbly believe that one of Country 
the secrets of England's strength has been the stren g[ n S of & 
existence of a class termed " the country land- England. 

(u) Dalham Hall Estate was purchased by Mr. Rhodes the 
year before his death. It is situate in Suffolk, not far from 
Newmarket, and is 3,475 acres in extent. 

4 6 


of tenure. 

No encum- 

lords " who devote their efforts to the maintenance 
of those on their own property, (v) And whereas 
this is my own experience. Now therefore I direct 
that if any person who under the limitations 
hereinbefore contained shall become entitled as 
tenant for life or as tenant in tail male by purchase 
to the possession or to the receipt of the rents 
and profits of the Dalham Hall Estate shall 
attempt to assign charge or incumber his interest 
in the Dalham Hall Estate or any part thereof 
or shall do or permit any act or thing or any 
event shall happen by or in consequence of which 
he would cease to be entitled to such interest if 

(v) In the Fortnightly Review for May, 1902, Mr. Iwan- 
Miiller gives the following account of the reasons which 
Mr. Rhodes gave him for preferring country landlords to 
manufacturers : " He told me how during a recent visit to 
England he had stayed with an English country gentleman of 
very large estates. 

" ' I went about with him,' he said in effect, although I do 
not profess to be able to recall the exact wording of his 
sentences, 'and I discovered that he knew the history and 
personal circumstances of every man, woman, and child upon 
his property. He was as well instructed in their pedigrees as 
themselves, and could tell how long every tenant or even 
labourer had been connected with the estate, and what had 
happened to any of them in the course of their lives. From 
there T went on to a successful manufacturer, a man of high 
standing and benevolent disposition. He took me over his 
works, and explained the machinery and the different improve- 
ments that had been made, with perfect familiarity with his 
subject, but, except as to the heads of departments, foremen 
and the like, he absolutely knew nothing whatever about the 
lives and conditions of his " hands." Now,' he added, ' my 
manufacturing friend was a more progressive man, and 
probably a more capable man than my landlord friend. Yet 
the very necessities of the latter's position compelled him to 
discharge duties of the existence of which the other had no 
idea. The manufacturer built schools and endowed libraries, 
and received reports as to their management, but he never 
knew, or cared to know, what effect his philanthropy had upon 
the individual beneficiaries.' " 


the same were given to him absolutely or if any 
such person as aforesaid (excepting in this case 
my said brothers Francis Rhodes and Ernest 
Frederick Rhodes) (i) shall not when he shall 
become so entitled as aforesaid have been for at 
least ten consecutive years engaged in some Ten years' 
profession or business or (ii.) if not then engaged work - 
in some profession or business and (such profes- 
sion or business not being that of the Army) not 
then also a member of some militia or volunteer Serve in 
corps shall not within one year after becoming so ^'l 1 
entitled as aforesaid or (being an infant) within 
one year after attaining the age of twenty-one 
years whichever shall last happen unless in any 
case prevented by death become engaged in 
some profession or business and (such profession 
or business not being that of the Army) also 
become a member of some militia or volunteer 
corps or (iii.) shall discontinue to be engaged in 
any profession or business before he shall have 
been engaged for ten consecutive years in some 
profession or business then and in every such case 
and forthwith if such person shall be tenant for 
life then his estate for life shall absolutely deter- 
mine and if tenant in tail male then his estate in 
tail male shall absolutely determine and the Forfeiture of 
Dalham Hall Estate shall but subject to estates if title - 
any prior to the estate of such person immediately 
go to the person next in remainder under the 
limitations hereinbefore contained in the same 
manner as if in the case of a person whose estate 
for life is so made to determine that person were 
dead or in the case of a person whose estate in tail 
male is so made to determine were dead and 
there were a general failure of issue of that person 
inheritable to the estate which is so made to 

4 8 


Provided that the determination of an estate 
for life shall not prejudice or effect any contin- 
gent remainders expectant thereon and that 
after such determination the Dalham Hall 
Estate shall but subject to estates if any prior 
as aforesaid remain to the use of the Trustees 
appointed by my said Will and the Codicil 
thereto dated the iith day of October 1901 
during the residue of the life of the person 
whose estate for life so determines upon trust 
during the residue of the life of that person to 
pay the rents and profits of the Dalham Hall 
Estate to or present the same to be received 
by the person or persons for the time being 
entitled under the limitations hereinbefore con- 
tained to the first vested estate in remainder 
expectant on the death of that person. 

After various private dispositions Mr. Rhodes 
in his original will left the residue of his real and 
personal estate to the Earl of Rosebery, Earl 
Grey, Alfred Beit, William Thomas Stead, Lewis 
Lloyd Michell and Bourchier Francis Hawksley 
absolutely as joint tenants. 

The same persons were also appointed execu- 
tors and trustees. 

In a Codicil dated January, 1901, Mr. Rhodes 
directed that the name of W. T. Stead should be 
removed from the list of his executors. 

In a second Codicil dated October, 1901, 
Mr. Rhodes added the name of Lord Milner to 
the list of joint tenants, executors and trustees. 

In a third Codicil, dated March, 1902, 
Mr. Rhodes appointed Dr. Jameson as one of 
his trustees, with all the rights of other trustees. 


The Right Hon. Cecil J. Rhodes. 

(From a sketch by the Marchioness of Granby.) 



WHEN Mr. Rhodes died, the most conspicuous figure left in 
the English-speaking race since the death of Queen Victoria 
disappeared. Whether loved or feared, he towered aloft above 
all his contemporaries. There are many who hold that he 
would be entitled to a black statue in the Halls of Eblis. But 
even those who distrusted and disliked him most, pay reluctant 
homage to the portentous energy of a character which has 
affected the world so deeply for weal or for woe. Outside 
England none of our politicians, statesmen, or administrators 
impressed the imagination of the world half as deeply as Cecil 
Rhodes. For good or for evil he ranked among the dozen 
foremost men of his day. He was one of the few men neither 
royal nor noble by birth who rose by sheer force of character 
and will to real, although not to titular, Imperial rank. After 
the Pope, the Kaiser, the Tsar, there were few contemporary 
statesmen who commanded as much attention, who roused as 
much interest, as the man who has passed from our midst 
while still in his prime. The few who knew him loved him. 
The majority, to whom he was unknown, paid him their 
homage, some of their admiration, and others of their hate. And 
it must be admitted that the dread he inspired among those who 
disliked him was more widespread than the affection he com- 
manded from those who came within the magic of his presence. 
He is gone, leaving a gap which no one at present can ever 
aspire to fill. The world has echoed words and deeds of his 
which will long reverberate in the dim corridors of time. 

To those who, like myself, have to bear the poignant grief 
caused by the loss of a dearly loved friend, whose confidence 
and affection had stood the test even of the violent antagonism 
roused by extreme difference of opinion on the subject of the 


South African War, it is impossible to speak of Cecil Rhodes 
at this moment with judicial impartiality. I knew him too 
intimately and loved him too well to care to balance his faults 
against his virtues or to lay a critical finger upon the flaws in 
the diamond. For with all his faults the man was great, 
almost immeasurably great, when contrasted with the pigmies 
who pecked and twittered in his shade. To those who are 
inclined to dwell more upon the wide-wasting ruin in which his 
fatal blunder involved the country that he loved, it may be 
sufficient to remark that even the catastrophe which was 
wrought by his mistake may contribute more to the permanent 
welfare of the Empire than all the achievements of his earlier 

Mr. Rhodes's last Will and Testament reveals him to the 
world as the first distinguished British statesman whose 
Imperialism was that of Race and not that of Empire. The 
one specific object* defined in the Will as that to which his 
wealth is to be applied proclaims with the simple eloquence of 
a deed that Mr. Rhodes was colour-blind between the British 
Empire and the American Republic. His fatherland, like that 
of the poet Arndt, is coterminous with the use of the tongue of 
his native land. In his Will he aimed at making Oxford 
University the educational centre of the English-speaking race. 
He did this of set purpose, and in providing the funds neces- 
sary for the achievement of this great idea he specifically 
prescribed that every American State and Territory shall share 
with the British Colonies in his patriotic benefaction. 

Once every year " Founder's Day " will be celebrated at 
Oxford ; and not at Oxford only, but wherever on the broad 
world's surface half-a-dozen old " Rhodes scholars " come 
together they will celebrate the great ideal of Cecil Rhodes 
the first of modern statesmen to grasp the sublime conception 
of the essential unity of the race. Thirty years hereafter there 
will be between two and three thousand men in the prime of 
life scattered all over the world, each one of whom will have 
had impressed upon his mind in the most susceptible period of 
his life the dream of the Founder. 

It is, therefore, well to put on record in accessible form all 
available evidence as to the nature of his dream. 

What manner of man was this Cecil Rhodes who has made 


Photograph by\ 

The Earl of Rosebery. 

[Jerrard, Regent Street. 



such careful provision for perpetuating the memory of the 
dreams which he dreamed, in order that generations yet 
unborn may realise the ideals which fired his imagination when 
a youth at Oxford, and which he followed like the fiery cloudy 
pillar through all his earthly pilgrimage ? 

To answer this question we have, first of all, his own 
writings ; secondly, his public speeches ; and, lastly, we have 
confidential communings with the friends whom he loved and 

Mr. Rhodes at home studying the Map of Africa. 



I WILL deal with them each in their order, taking his 
writings first writings which were made known to the world 
for the first time after his death. Of his last Will and 
Testament, executed in 1899, printed in the first part of this 
volume, I need not speak. I confine myself in this part to his 
other writings. 

Cecil Rhodes, in the current phrase of the hour, was an 
empire maker. He was much more than that. Empire 
makers are almost as common as empire breakers, and, indeed, 
as in his case, the two functions are often combined. But 
Cecil Rhodes stands on a pedestal of his own. He was a 
man apart. It was his distinction to be the first of the new 
Dynasty of Money Kings which has been evolved in these 
later days as the real rulers of the modern world. There have 
been many greater millionaires than he. His friend and ally, 
Mr. Beit, could probably put down a bank-note for every 
sovereign Mr. Rhodes possessed, and still be a multi- 
millionaire. As a rich man Mr. Rhodes was not in the 
running with Mr. Carnegie, Mr. Rockefeller, or Mr. Astor. 
But although there have been many wealthier men, none of 
them, before Mr. Rhodes, recognised the opportunities of ruling 
the world which wealth affords its possessor. The great 
financiers of Europe have no doubt often used their powers to 
control questions of peace or war and to influence politics, but 
they always acted from a strictly financial motive. Their aims 
were primarily the shifting of the values of stocks. To effect 
that end they have often taken a leading hand in political 
deals. But Mr. Rhodes inverted the operation. With him 
political considerations were always paramount. If he used 
the market he did it in order to secure the means of achieving 
political ends. Hence it is no exaggeration to regard him as 
the first he will not be the last of the Millionaire Monarchs 
of the Modern World. 

He was the founder of the latest of the dynasties which 
seems destined to wield the sceptre of sovereign power over 
the masses of mankind. He has fallen in mid-career. His 


plans are but rudely sketched in outline, and much of the 
work which he had begun is threatened with destruction by 
his one fatal mistake. But he lived long enough to enable 
those who were nearest to him to realise his idea and to recog- 
nise the significance of his advent upon the stage in the present 
state of the evolution of human society. 

Mr. Rhodes was more than the founder of a dynasty. He 
aspired to be the creator of one of those vast semi-religious, 
quasi-political associations which, like the Society of Jesus, 
have played so large a part in the history of the world. To 
be more strictly accurate, he wished to found an Order as the 
instrument of the will of the Dynasty, and while he lived he 
dreamed of being both its Caesar and its Loyola. It was this 
far-reaching, world-wide aspiration of the man which rendered, 
to those who knew him, so absurdly inane the speculations of 
his critics as to his real motives. Their calculations as to his 
ultimate object are helpful only because they afford us some 
measure of the range of their horizon. When they told us 
that Mr. Rhodes was aiming at amassing a huge fortune, of 
becoming Prime Minister of the Cape, or even of being the 
President of the United States of South Africa, of obtaining a 
peerage and of becoming a Cabinet Minister, we could not 
repress a smile. They might as well have said he was coveting 
a new pair of pantaloons or a gilded epaulette. Mr. Rhodes 
was one of the rare minds whose aspirations are as wide 
as the world. Such aspirations are usually to be discovered 
among the founders of religions rather than among the founders 
of dynasties. It is this which constituted the unique, and to 
many the utterly incomprehensible, combination of almost 
incompatible elements in Mr. Rhodes's character. So utterly 
incomprehensible was the higher mystic side of Mr. Rhodes's 
character to those among whom it was his fate to live and 
work, that after a few vain efforts to explain his real drift he 
gave up the task in despair. It would have been easier to 
interpret colour to a man born blind, or melody to one stone- 
deaf from his birth, than to open the eyes of the understanding 
of the " bulls " and " bears " of the Stock Exchange to the far- 
reaching plans and lofty ambitions which lay behind the issue 
of Chartereds. So the real Rhodes dwelt apart in the sanctuary 
of his imagination, into which the profane were never admitted. 


Lord Milner, G.C.B., G.C.M.G. 

(From Mr. P. Tennyson- Cole's portrait in the Royal Academy.} 



But it was in that sphere that he really lived, breathing that 
mystic and exalted atmosphere which alone sustained his 
spiritual life. 

When Mr. Rhodes had not yet completed his course at 
Oxford he drew up what he called " a draft of some of my 
ideas." It was when he was in Kimberley. He wrote it, he 
said, in his letter to me of August, 1891, when he was about 
twenty-two years of age. When he promised to send this to 
me to read, he said, "You will see that I have not altered 
much as to my feelings." In reality he must have written it 
at the beginning of 1877, otherwise he could not have referred 
to the Russo-Turkish War, which began in that year. On 
inquiry among those who were associated with him in his 
college days, I find that, although he talked much about 
almost every subject under heaven, he was very reticent as to 
the political ideas which were fermenting in his brain in the 
long days and nights that he spent on the veldt, away from 
intellectual society, communing with his own soul, and medi- 
tating upon the world-movements which were taking place 
around him. This document may be regarded as the first 
draft of the Rhodesian idea. It begins in characteristic 
fashion thus, with the exception of some passages omitted or 
summarised : 

"It often strikes a man to inquire what is the 
chief good in life ; to one the thought comes that 
it is a happy marriage, to another great wealth, 
and as each seizes on the idea, for that he more 
or less works for the rest of his existence. To 
myself, thinking over the same question, the wish 
came to me to render myself useful to my country. 
I then asked the question, How could I ?" He 
then discusses the question, and lays down the 
following dicta. " I contend that we are the first 
race in the world, and that the more of the world 
we inhabit the better it is for the human race. I 
contend that every acre added to our territory 
means the birth of more of the English race who 
otherwise would not be brought into existence. 


Added to this, the absorption of the greater 
portion of the world under our rule simply means 
the end of all wars." He then asks himself what 
are the objects for which he should work, and 
answers his question as follows : " The furtherance 
of the British Empire, for the bringing of the 
whole uncivilised world under British rule, for 
the recovery of the United States, for the making 
the Anglo-Saxon race but one Empire. What a 
dream ! but yet it is probable. It is possible." 

" I once heard it argued so low have we 
fallen in my own college, I am sorry to own it, 
by Englishmen, that it was a good thing for us 
that we have lost the United States. There are 
some subjects on which there can be no argument, 
and to an Englishman this is one of them. But 
even from an American's point of view just 

picture what they have lost All this we 

have lost and that country has lost owing to 
whom ? Owing to two or three ignorant, pig- 
headed statesmen in the last century. At their 
door is the blame. Do you ever feel mad, do 
you ever feel murderous ? I think I do with 
these men." 

The rest of his paper is devoted to a dis- 
cussion as to the best means of attaining these 

After recalling how the Roman Church 
utilises enthusiasm, he suggests the formation of 
a kind of secular Church for the extension of 
British Empire which should have its members 
in every part of the British Empire working with 
one object and one idea, who should have its 
members placed at our universities and our 
schools, and should watch the English youth 
passing through their hands. Mr. Rhodes then 
proceeded to sketch the kind of men upon whose 


Photograph, by] 

Earl Grey. 

. H. Mills. 


help such a Church could depend, how they 
should be recruited, and how they would work to 
" advocate the closer union of England and her 


colonies, to crush all disloyalty and every move- 
ment for the severance of our Empire." He 
concludes : " I think that there are thousands 
now existing who would eagerly grasp at the 

Even at this early date, it will be perceived, the primary 
idea which found its final embodiment in the will of 1899 had 
been sufficiently crystallised in his mind to be committed to 
paper. It was later in the same year of 1877 that he drew up 
his first will. This document he deposited with me at the 
same time that he gave me his " political will and testament." 
It was in a sealed envelope, and on the cover was written a 
direction that it should not be opened until after his death. 
That will remained in my possession, unopened, until 
March 27th, 1902, when I opened it in the presence of Mr. 
Hawksley. It was dated Kimberley, September igth, 1877. 
It was written throughout in his own handwriting. It opened 
with a formal statement that he gave, devised, and bequeathed 
all his estates and effects of every kind, wherever they might 
be, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies for the time 
being, and to Sidney Godolphin Alexander Shippard (who died 
almost immediately after Mr. Rhodes ; Mr. Shippard was then 
Attorney-General for the province of Griqualand West), giving 
them full authority to use the same for the purposes of extend- 
ing British rule throughout the world, for the perfecting of a 
system of emigration from the United Kingdom to all lands 
where the means of livelihood are attainable by energy, labour, 
and enterprise, the consolidation of the Empire, the restoration 
of the Anglo Saxon unity destroyed by the schism of the 
eighteenth century, the representation of the colonies in Par- 
liament, " and finally, the foundation of so great a Power as to 
hereafter render wars impossible and to promote the best 
interests of humanity." 

This first will contains the master thought of Rhodes's life, 
the thought to which he clung with invincible tenacity to his 


dying day. The way in which he expressed it in these first 
writings which we have from his hand was " the furtherance of 
the British rule " ; but in after years his ideas were broadened, 
especially in one direction viz., the substitution of the ideal 
of the unity of the English-speaking race for the extension of 
the British Empire throughout the world. To the under- 
graduate dreamer in the diamond diggings it was natural that 
the rapidly growing power of the United States and the 
ascendency which it was destined to have as the predominant 
partner in the English-speaking world was not as clear as it 
became to him when greater experience and a wider outlook 
enabled him to take a juster measure of the relative forces 
with which he had to deal. 

This first will was, however, speedily revoked. Mr. 
Rhodes seems to have soon discovered that the Colonial 
Secretary for the time being was of all persons the last to whom 
such a trust should be committed. He then executed his 
second will, which was a very informal document indeed. It 
was written on a single sheet of notepaper, and dated 1882. 
It left all his property to Mr. N. E. Pickering, a young man 
employed by the De Beers Company at Kimberley. Mr. 
Rhodes was much attached to him, and nursed him through 
his last illness. How much or how little he confided to Mr. 
Pickering about his ultimate aims I do not know, nor is 
there any means of ascertaining the truth, for Mr. Pickering 
has long been dead, and his secrets perished with him. 
Mr. Rhodes, in making the will in his favour, wrote him 
a note, saying the conditions were very curious, "and can 
only be carried out by a trustworthy person, and I consider 
you one." 

After the death of Mr. Pickering Mr. Rhodes executed a 
third will in 1888, in which, after making provision for his 
brothers and sisters, he left the whole of the residue of his 
fortune to a financial friend, whom I will call " X.," in like 
manner expressing to him informally his desires and aspira- 
tions. This will was in existence when I first made the 
acquaintance of Mr. Rhodes. 

All these wills were framed under the influence of the idea 
which dominated Mr. Rhodes's imagination. He aimed at 
the foundation of a Society composed of men of strong 


convictions and of great wealth, which would do for the unity 
of the English-speaking race what the Society of Jesus did for 
the Catholic Church immediately after the Reformation. 

The English-speaking race stood to Mr. Rhodes for all 
that the Catholic Church stood to Ignatius Loyola. Mr. 
Rhodes saw in the English-speaking race the greatest instru- 
ment yet evolved for the progress and elevation of mankind 
shattered by internal dissensions and reft in twain by the 
declaration of American Independence, just as the unity of the 
Church was destroyed by the Protestant Reformation. Unlike 
Loyola, who saw that between Protestants and Catholics no 
union was possible, and who therefore devoted all his energies 
to enable the Catholics to extirpate their adversaries, Mr. 
Rhodes believed that it was possible to secure the reunion of 
the race. Loyola was an out-and-out Romanist. He took 
sides unhesitatingly with the Pope against the Reformers. The 
attitude of Mr. Rhodes was altogether different. He was' 
devoted to the old flag, but in his ideas he was American, and 
in his later years he expressed to me his unhesitating readiness 
to accept the reunion of the race under the Stars and Stripes if 
it could not be obtained in any other way. Although he had 
no objection to the Monarchy, he unhesitatingly preferred the 
American to the British Constitution, and the text-book which 
he laid down for the guidance of his novitiates was a copy of 
the American Constitution. 

Imagine the soul of an Erasmus in the skin of a Loyola 
ready to purchase the unity of Christendom by imposing upon 
the Pope the theses which Luther nailed upon the church 
door at Wittenberg, and you have some idea of the standpoint 
of Mr. Rhodes 

He was for securing union, if necessary, by means which at 
first sight were little calculated to promote unity. If the 
American Constitution was his political text-book, his one 
favourite expedient for inducing Americans to recognise the 
need for unity was the declaration of a tariff war waged by 
means of differential duties upon imports from those English- 
speaking commonwealths which clapped heavy duties on British 

Finding that I sympathised with his ideas about English- 
speaking reunion and his Society although I did not see eye 


to eye with him about the tariff war Mr. Rhodes superseded 
the will, which he had made in 1888, on a sheet of notepaper, 
which left his fortune to " X.," by a formal will, in which the 
whole of his real and personal estate was left to " X." and to 
" W. Stead, of the REVIEW OF REVIEWS." This will, the 
fourth in order, was signed in March, 1891. 

On bidding me good-bye, after having announced the 
completion of this arrangement, Mr. Rhodes stated that when 
he got to Africa he would write out his ideas, and send 
them to me. It was in fulfilment of this promise that 
he sent me the letter dated August igth and September 3rd,. 
1891. It was written by him at his own suggestion in 
order that I might publish it in literary dress in his name 
as an expression of his views. I carried out his instruc- 
tions, and published the substance of this letter, with 
very slight modifications necessary to give it the clothing 
that he desired, as a manifesto to the electors at the General 
Election of 1895. Mr. Rhodes's personality, however, at that 
time had not loomed sufficiently large before the mind of the 
British public for the expression of his opinions to excite the 
interest and attention of the world. But when I published 
the original draft after his death it was received every- 
where as throwing altogether new light upon Mr. Rhodes's 

Mr. Rhodes's political ideas were thus written out by 
him in one of the very few long letters which he ever wrote 
to anyone, just before his departure from Kimberley to 
Mashonaland in the autumn of 1891. The communication 
takes the shape of a resiime of a long conversation which I had 
had with him just before he left London for the Cape. Despite 
a passage which suggests that I should sub-edit it and dress up 
his ideas, I think the public will prefer to have these rough, 
hurried, and sometimes ungrammatical notes exactly as 
Mr. Rhodes scrawled them off rather than to have them 
supplied with " literary clothing " by anyone else : 

Please remember the key of my idea discussed 
with you is a Society, copied from the Jesuits 
as to organisation, the practical solution a diffe- 
rential rate and a copy of the United States 

Pltotograph by\ 

[. H. Mills. 

Mr. Alfred Beit 


Constitution, for that is Home Rule or Federation, 
and an organisation to work this out, working in 
the House of Commons for decentralisation, 
remembering that an Assembly that is responsible 
for a fifth of the world has no time to discuss the 
questions raised by Dr. Tanner or the important 
matter of Mr. O'Brien's breeches, and that the 
labour question is an important matter, but 
that deeper than the labour question is the 
question of the market for the products of 
labour, and that, as the local consumption 
(production) of England can only support 
about six millions, the balance depends on the 
trade of the world. 

That the world with America in the forefront 
is devising tariffs to boycott your manufactures, 
and that this is the supreme question, for I believe 
that England with fair play should manufacture 
for the world, and, being a Free Trader, I believe 
until the world comes to its senses you should 
declare war I mean a commercial war with those 
who are trying to boycott your manufactures 
that is my programme. You might finish the war 
by union with America and universal peace, I 
mean after one hundred years, and a secret society 
organised like Loyola's, supported by the accumu- 
lated wealth of those whose aspiration is a desire 
to do something, and a hideous annoyance created 
by the difficult question daily placed before their 
minds as to which of their incompetent relations 
they should leave their wealth to. You would 
furnish them with the solution, greatly relieving 
their minds and turning their ill-gotten or inherited 
gains to some advantage. 

I am a bad writer, but through my ill-con- 
nected sentences you can trace the lay of my ideas, 
and you can give my idea the literary clothing 

Photograph by] 

Mr. L. L. Michell. 


that is necessary. I write so fully because I am 
off to Mashonaland, and I can trust you to respect 
my confidence. It is a fearful thought to feel that 
you possess a patent, and to doubt whether your 
life will last you through the circumlocution of the 
forms of the Patent Office. I have that inner 
conviction that if I can live I have thought out 
something that is worthy of being registered at 
the Patent Office ; the fear is, shall I have the 
time and the opportunity ? And I believe, with 
all the enthusiasm bred in the soul of an inventor, 
it is not self-glorification I desire, but the wish to 
live to register my patent for the benefit of those 
who, I think, are the greatest people the world has 
ever seen, but whose fault is that they do not 
know their strength, their greatness, and their 
destiny, and who are wasting their time on their 
minor local matters, but being asleep do not know 
that through the invention of steam and electricity, 
and in view of their enormous increase, they must 
now be trained to view the world as a whole, and 
not only consider the social questions of the British 
Isles. Even a Labouchere who possesses no 
sentiment should be taught that the labour ot 
England is dependent on the outside world, and 
that as far as I can see the outside world, if he 
does not look out, will boycott the results of 
English labour. They are calling the new country 
Rhodesia, that is from the Transvaal to the 
southern end of Tanganyika ; the other name is 
Zambesia. I find I am human and should like to 
be living after my death ; still, perhaps, if that 
name is coupled with the object of England every- 
where, and united, the name may convey the dis- 
covery of an idea which ultimately led to the 
cessation of all wars and one language throughout 
the world, the patent being the gradual absorption 

6 9 








/z^-^7 y ~ ^^< 

* * 

X^ * ' - 


of wealth and human minds of the higher order to 
the object.* 

What an awful thought it is that if we had not 
lost America, or if even now we could arrange 
with the present members of the United States 
Assembly and our House of Commons, the peace 
of the world is secured for all eternity ! We 
could hold your federal parliament five years at 
Washington and five at London. The only thing 
feasible to carry this idea out is a secret one 
(society) gradually absorbing the wealth of the 
world to be devoted to such an object. There is 
Hirsch with twenty millions, very soon to cross 
the unknown border, and struggling in the dark 
to know what to do with his money ; and so one 
might go on ad infinitum. 

Fancy the charm to young America, just 
coming on and dissatisfied for they have filled 

* Mr. Sidney Low, formerly editor of the St. James's Gazette, 
writing in the Nineteenth Century for May, 1902, thus summarises 
the cardinal doctrines which formed the staple of Mr. Rhodes's 
conversation with him : " First, that insular England was quite 
insufficient to maintain, or even to protect, itself without the 
assistance of the Anglo-Saxon peoples beyond the seas of Europe. 
Secondly, that the first and greatest aim of British statesmanship 
should be to find new areas of settlement, and new markets for the 
products that would, in due course, be penalised in the territories 
and dependencies of all our rivals by discriminating tariffs. 
Thirdly, that the largest tracts of unoccupied or undeveloped lands 
remaining on the globe were in Africa, and therefore that the 
most strenuous efforts should be made to keep open a great part of 
that continent to British commerce and colonisation. Fourthly, 
that as the key to the African position lay in the various Anglo- 
Dutch States and provinces, it was imperative to convert the 
whole region into a united, self-governing federation, exempt from 
meddlesome interference by the home authorities, but loyal to the 
Empire, and welcoming British enterprise and progress. Fifthly, 
that the world was made for the service of man, and more 
particularly of civilised, white, European men, who were most 
capable of utilising the crude resources of Nature for the promotion 
of wealth and prosperity. And, finally, that the British Constitu- 
tion was an absurd anachronism, and that it should be remodelled 
on the lines of the American Union, with federal self-governing 
Colonies as the constituent States. 

F 2 


up their own country and do not know what to 
tackle next to share in a scheme to take the 
government of the whole world ! Their present 
president is dimly seeing it, but his horizon is 
limited to the New World north and south, and 
so he would intrigue in Canada, Argentina, and 
Brazil, to the exclusion of England. Such a brain 
wants but little to see the true solution ; he is still 
groping in the dark, but is very near the dis- 
covery. For the American has been taught the 
lesson of Home Rule and the success of leaving 
the management of the local pump to the parish 
beadle. He does not burden his House of Com- 
mons with the responsibility of cleansing the 
parish drains. The present position in the English 
House is ridiculous. You might as well expect 
Napoleon to have found time to have personally 
counted his dirty linen before he sent it to the 
wash, and re-counted it upon its return. It would 
have been better for Europe if he had carried out 
his idea of Universal Monarchy ; he might have 
succeeded if he had hit on the idea of granting 
self-government to the component parts. Still, I 
will own tradition, race, and diverse languages 
acted against his dream ; all these do not exist as 
to the present English-speaking world, and apart 
from this union is the sacred duty of taking the 
responsibility of the still uncivilised parts of the 
world. The trial of these countries who have 
been found wanting such as Portugal, Persia, 
even Spain and the judgment that they must 
depart, and, of course, the whole of the South 
American Republics. What a scope and what a 
horizon of work, at any rate, for the next two 
centuries, the best energies of the best people in 
the world ; perfectly feasible, but needing an 
organisation, for it is impossible for one human 


Photograph by\ 

IE. H. Mills. 

Dr. Jameson. 


atom to complete anything, much less such an idea 
as this requiring the devotion of the best souls of 
the next 200 years. There are three essentials : 
(i) The plan duly weighed and agreed to. (2) 
The first organisation. (3) The seizure of the 
wealth necessary. 

I note with satisfaction that the committee 
appointed to inquire into the McKinley Tariff 
report that in certain articles our trade has fallen 
off 50 per cent, and yet the fools do not see that 
if they do not look out they will have England 
shut out and isolated with ninety millions to feed 
and capable internally of supporting about six 
millions. If they had had statesmen they would 
at the present moment be commercially at war 
with the United States, and they would have 
boycotted the raw products of the United States 
until she came to her senses. And I say this 
because I am a Free Trader. But why go on 
writing ? Your people do not know their great- 
ness ; they possess a fifth of the world and do not 
know that it is slipping from them, and they spend 
their time on discussing Parnell and Dr. Tanner, 
the character of Sir C. Dilke, the question of 
compensation for beer-houses, and omne /toe genus. 
Your supreme question at the present moment is 
the seizure of the labour vote at the next election. 
Read the A ustraiian Bulletin (New South Wales), 
and see where undue pandering to the labour vote 
may lead you ; but at any rate the eight-hour 
question is not possible without a union of the 
English-speaking world, otherwise you drive your 
manufactures to Belgium, Holland, and Germany, 
just as you have placed a great deal of cheap 
shipping trade in the hands of Italy by your 
stringent shipping regulations which they do not 
possess, and so carry goods at lower rates. 


Here this political Will and Testament abruptly breaks off. 
It is rough, inchoate, almost as uncouth as one of Cromwell's 
speeches, but the central idea glows luminous throughout. 
Mr. Rhodes has never to my knowledge said a word, nor has 
he ever written a syllable, that justified the suggestion that he 
surrendered the aspirations which were expressed in this letter 
of 1891. So far from this being the case, in the long dis- 
cussions which took place between us in the last years of his 
life, he re-affirmed as emphatically as at first his unshaken 
conviction as to the dream if you like to call it so or vision, 
which had ever been the guiding star of his life. How pathetic 
to read to-day the thrice expressed foreboding that life would 
not be spared him to carry out his great ideal. But it may be 
as Lowell sang of Lamartine : 

To carve thy fullest thought, what though 
Time was not granted ? Aye in history, 

Like that Dawn's face which baffled Angelo, 
Left shapeless, grander for its mystery, 

Thy great Design shall stand, and day 

Flood its blind front from Orients far away. 

Cecil Rhodes as a boy. 

(By kind permission of Wm. Blackicood and Sons.) 



SINCE Mr. Rhodes'_s death I have had opportunities of 
making a close inquiry among those who have been most 
intimately associated with him from his college days until his 
death, with this result. I found that to none of them had 
Mr. Rhodes spoken as fully, as intimately, and as frequently 
as he talked to me concerning his aims and the purposes to 
which he wished his wealth to be devoted after his death. 
This is not very surprising, because from the year 1891 
till the year 1899 I was designated by Mr. Rhodes in 
the wills which preceded that of 1899 as the person 
who was charged with the distribution of the whole of 
his fortune. From 1891-3 I was one of two, from 1893 
to 1899 one of three, to whom his money was left; but 
I was specifically appointed by him to direct the application of 
his property for the promotion of the ideas which we shared 
in common. 

I first made the acquaintance of Mr. Rhodes in 1889. 
Although that was the first occasion on which I met him, or was 
aware of the ideas which he entertained, he had already for some 
years been one of the most enthusiastic of my readers indeed, 
ever since I succeeded to the direction of the Pall Mall Gazette 
(when Mr. Morley entered Parliament in the year 1883), and 
began the advocacy of what I called the Imperialism of re- 
sponsibility as opposed to Jingoism, which has been the note 
of everything that I have said or written ever since. It was in 
the Pall Mall Gazette that I published an article on Anglo- 
American reunion which brought me a much-prized letter from 
Russell Lowell, in which he said : " It is a beautiful dream, 
but it's none the worse on that account. Almost all the best 
things that we have in the world to-day began by being 
dreams." It was in the Pall Mall Gazette in those days that I 
conducted a continuous and passionate apostolate in favour of 
a closer union with the Colonies. It is amusing to look back 
at the old pages, and to find how the preservation of the trade 
route from the Cape to the Zambesi was stoutly contended for 


in the Pall Mall Gazette, and cynically treated by the Times. 
The ideal of associating the Colonies with us in the duty of 
Imperial Defence was another of the fundamental doctrines of 
what we called in those days " the Gospel according to the 
Pall Mall Gazette" It was in the Pall Mall that we published 
" The Truth about the Navy," and the Pall Mall, more than 
any other paper, was closely associated with the heroic tragedy 
of General Gordon's mission to Khartoum. 

Cecil Rhodes, brooding in intellectual solitude in the 
midst of the diamond diggers of Kimberley, welcomed with 
enthusiasm the Pall Mall Gazette. He found in it the crude 
ideas which he had embodied in his first will expressed from 
day to day with as great an enthusiasm as his own. and with 
a much closer application to the great movements which were 
moulding the contemporary history of the world. It is 
probable (although he never mentioned this) that the close 
personal friendship which existed between General Gordon 
and himself constituted a still closer tie between him and the 
editor of the journal whose interview had been instrumental in 
sending Gordon to Khartoum, and who through all the dark 
and dreary siege was the exponent of the ideas and the 
champion of the cause of that last of the Paladins. Whatever 
contributory causes there may have been, Mr. Rhodes always 
asserted that his own ideas had been profoundly modified and 
moulded by the Pall Mall Gazette. 

But, as I said, it was not until 1889 that I was first intro- 
duced to him. As I had been interested in the expansion 
of British power in Africa and in the preservation of the 
trade route which rendered the northern expansion possible, I 
had constantly exerted myself in support of the ideas of Mr. 
Mackenzie, who was in more or less personal antagonism to the 
ideas of Mr. Rhodes. Mr. Mackenzie and Mr. Rhodes both 
wished to secure the northern territory. Mr. Rhodes believed 
in thrusting the authority of Cape Colony northward, and Mr. 
Mackenzie was equally emphatic about placing Bechuanaland 
under the direct authority of the Crown. This difference of 
method, although it produced much personal estrangement, in 
no way affected their devotion to their common ideal. As I 
was on Mr. Mackenzie's side, I had nothing to do with Mr. 
Rhodes ; and when Sir Charles Mills (then Cape Agent- 


General) first proposed that I should meet him, I was so far 
from realising what it meant that I refused. Sir Charles Mills 
repeated his invitation with a persistency and an earnestness 
which overcame my reluctance; I abandoned a previous 
engagement, and accepted his invitation to lunch, for the 
purpose of meeting Mr. Rhodes. 

Mr. Rhodes, said Sir Charles Mills, wished to make my 
acquaintance before he returned to Africa. I met Mr. Rhodes 
at the Cape Agency, and was introduced to him by Sir Charles 
Mills on April 4th, 1889. After lunch, Sir Charles left us 
alone, and I had a three hours' talk with Mr. Rhodes. To say 
that I was astonished by what he said to me is to say little. 
I had expected nothing was indeed rather bored at the idea 
of having to meet him and vexed at having to give up my 
previous engagement. But no sooner had Sir Charles Mills 
left the room than Mr. Rhodes fixed my attention by pouring 
out the long dammed-up flood of his ideas. Immediately after 
I left him I wrote : 

" I have never met a man who, upon broad Imperial 
matters, was so entirely of my way of thinking." 

On my expressing my surprise that we should be in such 
agreement, he laughed and said 

" It is not to be wondered at, because I have taken my 
ideas from the Pall Mall Gazette" 

The paper permeated South Africa, he said, and he had met 
it everywhere. He then told me what surprised me not a little, 
and what will probably come to many of those who admire him 
to-day with a certain shock. 

He said that although he had read regularly the Pall Mall 
Gazette in South Africa, it was not until the year 1885 that he 
had realised that the editor of the paper, whose ideas he had 
assimilated so eagerly, was a person who was capable of 
defending his principles regardless of considerations of his 
own ease and safety. But when in 1885 I published " The 
Maiden Tribute " and went to gaol for what I had done, he 
felt, " Here is the man I want one who has not only the 
right principles, but is more anxious to promote them than to 
save his own skin." He tried to see me, drove up to Hollo- 
way Gaol and asked to be admitted, was refused, and drove 
away in a pretty fume. Lord Russell of Killowen had the 


same experience, with the same result. No one can see a 
prisoner without an order from the Home Office. 

Mr. Rhodes did not tell me what I learned only since his 
death, from Mr. Maguire, that the solitary occasion on which 
he ever entered Exeter Hall was when, together with 
Mr. Maguire, he attended an indignation meeting, called to 
protest against my imprisonment, which was addressed, among 
others, by Mrs. Josephine Butler and Mrs. Fawcett. 

He left for Africa without seeing me ; but on his return in 
1889 he said he would not sail until he had met me and told 
me all his plans. Hence he had made Sir Charles Mills 
arrange this interview in order to talk to me about them all, 
and specially to discuss how he could help me to strengthen 
and extend my influence as editor. 

Writing to my wife immediately afcer I had left him, I 
said : 

" Mr. Rhodes is my man. 

" I have just had three hours' talk with him. 

" He is full of a far more gorgeous idea in connection with 
the paper than even I have had. I cannot tell you his scheme, 
because it is too secret. But it involves millions. . . . He 
expects to own, before he dies, four or five millions, all of 
which he will leave to carry out the scheme of which the paper 
is an integral part. . . . His ideas are federation, expansion, 
and consolidation of the Empire. 

" He is .... about thirty-five, full of ideas, and regarding 
money only as a means to work his ideas. He believes more 
in wealth and endowments than I do. He is not religious in 
the ordinary sense, but has a deeply religious conception of 
his duty to the world, and thinks he can best serve it by work- 
ing for England. He took to me ; told me things he has told 
to no other man, save X. ... It seems all like a fairy dream." 

It is not very surprising that it had that appearance. Never 
before or since had I met a millionaire who calmly declared 
his intention to devote all his millions to carry out the ideas 
which I had devoted my life to propagate. 

Mr. Rhodes was intensely sympathetic, and like most 
sympathetic people he would shut up like an oyster when he 
found that his ideas on " deep things " which were near to his 
heart moved listeners to cynicism or to sneers. 


He was almost apologetic about his suggestion that his 
wealth might be useful. "Don't despise money," he said. 
"Your ideas are all right, but without money you can do 
nothing." " The twelve apostles did not find it so," I said; 
and so the talk went on. He expounded to me his ideas 
about underpinning the Empire by a Society which would be 
to the Empire what the Society of Jesus was to the Papacy, 
and we talked on and on, upon very deep things indeed. 

Before we parted we had struck up a firm friendship which 
stood the strain even of the Raid and the War on his part and 
of " Shall I Slay my Brother Boer ? " and " Hell Let Loose " 
on mine. From that moment I felt I understood Rhodes. I, 
almost alone, had the key to the real Rhodes, and I felt that 
from that day it was my duty and my privilege to endeavour 
to the best of my ability to interpret him to the world. 

It was in 1889, at our first interview, that he expounded to 
me the basis of his creed. I did not publish it till November, 
1899. Although it was issued during his lifetime, it provoked 
from him neither publicly nor privately any protest, criticism, 
or correction. 

I therefore think that my readers will be glad to be afforded 
an opportunity of seeing what I 'wrote in October, 1899, which 
I. reprint exactly as it was published. 


Mr. Rhodes's conception of his duties to his fellow-men 
rests upon a foundation as distinctly ethical and theistic as that 
of the old Puritans. If you could imagine an emperor of old 
Rome crossed with one of Cromwell's Ironsides, and the result 
brought up at the feet of Ignatius Loyola, you would have an 
amalgam not unlike that which men call Cecil Rhodes. The 
idea of the State, the Empire, and the supreme allegiance 
which it has a right to claim from all its subjects, is as fully 
developed in him as in Augustus or in Trajan. But deep 
underlying all this there is the strong, earnest, religious con- 
ception of the Puritan. Mr. Rhodes is not, in the ordinary 
sense of the word, a religious man. He was born in a rector}', 
and, like many other clergymen's sons, he is no great Church- 
man. He has an exaggerated idea of the extent to which 
modern research has pulverised the authority of the Bible; 


and, strange though it may appear to those who only know him 
as the destroyer of Lobengula, his moral sense revolts against 
accepting the Divine origin of the Hebrew writings which 
exult over the massacre of the Amalekites. In the doctrine 
of eternal torment he is an out-and-out unbeliever., Upon 
many questions relating to the other world his one word is 
Agnostic -" I do not know." But on the question of Hell he 
is quite sure he knows, and he knows that it is not true. 
Indeed, it is his one negative dogma, which he holds with 
astonishing vigour and certitude. It conflicts with his funda- 
mental conception of the nature of things. Whatever may be 
or may not be, that cannot be. 


It may appear strange to those who only realise Mr. Rhodes 
as a successful empire-builder, or a modern Midas, at whose 
touch everything turns to gold, to hear that the great Afri- 
kander is much given to pondering seriously questions which, 
in the rush and hurry of modern life, most men seldom give 
themselves time to ask, much less to answer. But as 
Mohammed spent much time in the solitude of his cave before 
he emerged to astonish the world with the revelation of the 
Koran, so Cecil Rhodes meditated much in the years while 
he was washing dirt for diamonds under the South African 
stars. He is still a man much given to thinking over things. 
He usually keeps three or four subjects going at one time, 
and he sticks to them. At present he has on his mind the 
development of Rhodesia, the laying of the telegraph line to 
Tanganyika, the Cape to Cairo railway, and the ultimate 
federation of South Africa. These four objects preoccupy 
him. He does not allow himself to be troubled with corre- 
spondence. He receives letters and loses them sometimes, but 
answers them never. 

In the earlier days, before he was known, he kept his 
thoughts to himself. But he thought much ; and the outcome 
of his thinking is making itself felt more and more every dayin 
the development of Africa. 


When Mr. Rhodes was an undergraduate at Oxford, he 
was profoundly impressed by a saying of Aristotle as to 


the importance of having an aim in life sufficiently lofty to 
justify your spending your life in endeavouring to reach it. 
He went back to Africa wondering what his aim in life should 
be, knowing only one thing : that whatever it was, he had not 
found it. For him that supreme ideal was still to seek. So 
he fell a-thinking. The object to which most of those who 
surrounded him eagerly dedicated their lives was the pursuit 
of wealth. For that they were ready to sacrifice all. Was it 
worth it ? Did the end, even when attained, justify the 
expenditure of one's life ? To answer that question he looked 
at the men who had succeeded, who had made their pile, who 
had attained the goal which he was proposing he should make 
his own. What he saw was men who, with hardly an, excep- 
tion, did not know what use to make of the wealth they had 
spent their lives in acquiring. They had encumbered them- 
selves with money-bags, and they spent all their time in taking 
care of them. Other object in life they seemed to have none. 
Wealth, for which they had given the best years of their life, 
was only a care, not a joy a source of anxiety, not a sceptre 
of power. " If that is all, it is not good enough," thought 


Then his thoughts turned to politics. Why not devote his 
life to the achievement of a political career ? He might suc- 
ceed if he tried. Rhodes seldom doubts his capacity to 
succeed when he tries. Again he looked at the ultimate. In 
South Africa the top of the tree was represented by the Cape 
Premiership. What kind of men are Cape Premiers ? He had 
known some of them. They were men who had alternate 
spells of office and opposition. Most of them were medio- 
crities ; few of them had power, even when they held place. 
They were dependent for their political existence upon the 
goodwill of followers whom they had to wheedle or cajole. 
The position did not seem enviable ; so once more Rhodes 
decided " it was not good enough." The true goal was still 
to seek. 


His mind turned to religion. Was there to be found in 
the Churches a goal worth the devotion of a life ? Perhaps if 


it were true. But what if it were not ? He thought much of 
the marvellous career of Loyola, the man who underpinned 
the tottering foundations of the Catholic Church, and re-estab- 
lished them upon the rock of St. Peter, which had been shaken 
by the spiritual dynamite of the Reformation. There was a 
work worthy the best man's life. But nowadays who could 
believe in the Roman, or even in the Christian, creed ? * 
Every day some explorer dug up in Palestine some old inscrip- 
tion which made havoc with a Bible text a conclusion which 
the reports of the Palestine Exploration Fund certainly do not 
bear out, but that need not be discussed here. Mr. Rhodes 
was a Darwinian rather than a Christian. He knew there was 
no Hell. How could he devote himself to the service of the 

* Mr. Rhodes, in laying the foundation stone of a Presbyterian 
chapel at Woodstock, near Cape Town, in 1900, expressed himself 
as follows : " You have asked me to come here because you 
recognise that my life has been work. Of course I must say frankly 
that I do not happen to belong to your particular sect in religion. 
We all have many ideals, but I may say that when we come abroad 
we all broaden. We broaden immensely, and especially in this 
spot, because we are always looking on that mountain, and there 
is immense breadth in it. That gives us, while we retain our 
individual dogmas, immense breadth of feeling and consideration 
for all those who are striving to do good work, and perhaps 
improve the condition of humanity in general. . . . The fact 
is, if I may take you into my confidence, that I do not care to 
go to a particular church even on one day in the year when I use 
my own chapel at all other times. I find that up the mountain one 
gets thoughts, what you might term religious thoughts, because 
they are thoughts for the betterment of humanity, and I believe 
that is the best description of religion, to work for the betterment 
of the human beings who surround us. This stone I have laid will 
subsequently represent a building, and in that building thoughts 
will be given to the people with the intention of raising their minds 
and making them better citizens. That is the intention of the 
laying of this stone. I will challenge any man or any woman, however 
broad their ideas may be, who object to go to church or chapel, to 
say they would not sometimes be better for an hour or an hour and 
a half in church. I believe they would get there some ideas con- 
veyed to them that would make them better human beings. There 
are those who, throughout the world, have set themselves the task 
of elevating their fellow-beings, and have abandoned personal 
ambition, the accumulation of wealth, perhaps the pursuit of art, 
and many of those things that are deemed most valuable. What is 
left to them ? They have chosen to do what ? To devote their 
whole mind to make other human beings better, braver, kindlier, 
more thoughtful, and more unselfish, for which they deserve the 
praise of all men." 

The House in which Cecil Rhodes was born. 

(By kind permission of fVtn. Blackwood and Sons. ) 


Catholic Church ? As to the others, these were merely vulgar 
fractions of a fraction. He respected them all with the wide 
tolerance of a Roman philosopher, but they neither kindled his 
enthusiasm nor commanded his devotion. The old faiths were 
dying out. If his life were to have a worthy goal, it must be 
among the living, not among the dead, with the future rather 
than the past. 


Scr he went on digging for diamonds, and musing, as he 
digged, on the eternal verities, the truth which underlies all 
phenomena: He was a Darwinian ; he believed in evolution. 
But was it reasonable to believe that the chain of sentient 
existences which stretched unbroken from the marine Ascidean 
to man, stopped abruptly with the human race ? " Was it not 
at least thinkable that there are Intelligences in the universe as 
much my superior in intellect as I am superior to the dog ? " 
" Why should man be the terminus of the process of evolu- 
tion ? " So he reasoned, as all serious souls have reasoned long 
before Darwin was heard of. 

Reincarnation, the possibility of an existence prior to this 
mortal life, did not interest him. " Life is too short, after all," 
he used to say, " to worry about previous lives. From the 
cradle to the grave what is it ? Three days at the seaside. 
Just that and nothing more. But although it is only three days, 
we must be doing something. I cannot spend my time throw- 
ing stones into the water. But what is worth while doing ? " 
Then upon him there grew more and more palpably real, at 
least as a possibility, that the teachings of all the seers, of all 
the religions, were based on solid fact, and that after all there 
was a God who reigned over all the children of men, and who, 
moreover, would exact a strict account for all the deeds which 
they did in the body. He combated the notion ; but the 
balance of authority was against him. All religions, in alh 
times surely the universal instinct of the race had something 
to justify it ! 


Mr. Rhodes argued the matter out in his cool, practical 
way, and decided the question for himself once for all. He 


did not surrender his agnostic position, but he decided that it 
was at least an even chance that there might be a God. 
Further than that he did not go. A fifty-per-cent. chance 
that there is a God Almighty is very far removed from the 
confident certainty of " I know that my Redeemer liveth." 
But a fifty-per-cent. chance God fully believed in is worth more 
as a factor in life than a forty-per-cent. faith in the whole 
Christian creed. 


Mr. Rhodes had no sooner, ciphered out his fifty-per-cent. 
chance than he was confronted with the reflection, " If there 
be a God, of which there is an even chance, what does He want 
me to do, if so be that He cares anything about what I do ? " 
For so the train of thought went on. " If there be a God, and 
if He do care, then the most important thing in the world for 
me is to find out what He wants me to do, and then go and do 
it." * But how was he to find it out ? It is a problem which 

* I have been somewhat severely taken to task by Mr. Bramwell 
Booth for what he regards as my failure to do full justice to the 
religious side of Mr. Rhodes's character. By way of making 
amends, I quote the following extracts from the remarks made 
by the General and by Mr. W. Bramwell Booth himself after 
Mr. Rhodes's death. General Booth, writing in the War Cry of 
April 5th, 1902, said : 

In the course of my wanderings I have been privileged to 
meet with many of the class of individuals who are said to be the 
moving spirits of the world, but very few outside the pale of 
Christian and philanthropic circles have impressed and interested 
me more than did Cecil Rhodes. 

The first time we met was on the occasion of my first visit to 
South Africa. Mr. Rhodes was then Premier of Cape Colony. 
That was in the year 1891. He received me at the Parliament 

We understood one another at once, and plunged into a dis- 
cussion of my proposal for the founding of " An Over-trie- Sea 
Colony." " Our objects, you see, differ," said he. " You are set 
on filling the world with the knowledge of the Gospel. My ruling 
purpose is the extension of the British Empire." Then, laying his 
ringer on a great piece of the map showing the country, part of 
which was then known as Mashonaland, but which is now called 
after his name, he went on to say, " If this part of South Africa 
would suit you, I can give you whatever extent of land you may 

Years passed away. In 1895 I was once more in South Africa. 
" If," said Mr. Rhodes, " the gold turns out to be a success, the 

G 2 


puzzled the ancients. " Canst thou by searching find out 
God ? " Are not His ways past finding out ? Perhaps yes ; 
perhaps no. They " did not know everything down in Judee." 
Anyhow, Mr. Rhodes was much too practical and thorough- 

markets will be all right for the corn and vegetables and fruit which 
you and your colony will produce. And if you think the locality 
will be suitable, you had better send some capable officers to survey 
the country. They can select the district most likely to answer 
your purposes, and you shall have what land is necessary." 

This offer Mr. Rhodes made in the most deliberate manner 
twice over. Of course, he knew what I wanted to do. I wanted 
the country for the people, and he wanted the people for the 
country. So far, we were one, perhaps not much further. 

As the interview closed, something was said by me bearing on 
his spiritual interests. I forget what I said, but it was something 
straight, personal, and it was understood by him at once. While 
he did not assent to my remarks by any passing pretensions to 
religion, he was serious and thoughtful, and when I said I should 
pray for him, he responded, " Yes, that was good." Prayer, he 
considered, was useful, acting as a sort of time-table, bringing before 
the mind the duties of the day, and pulling one up to face the obliga- 
tions for their discharge. A little incident that occurred some years 
afterwards showed that my remarks made an indelible impression 
on his mind. 

Our next meeting was in England. In company with Lord 
Loch he wanted to see the Hadleigh Farm Colony, and an appoint- 
ment was made for a visit. He specially desired that I should 
accompany him, and, of course, I gladly agreed. My son (the chief 
of the staff) was with us. We went down together. 

After the journey down we lunched together, and wandered over 
the colony and discussed its principal features. Mr. Rhodes was 
interested in everything. Nothing struck me more than his inquiring 
spirit. " What is this ? " and " What is it for ? " and " How does it 
answer?" or "Who is this?" "Where does he come from?" 
" What is he doing ? " " What are you going to do with him ? " were 
the questions constantly on his lips, and to say that he was interested 
is saying very little. The whole thing evidently took a strong hold 
of him. 

That night Colonel Barker accompanied him to his hotel, where 
he again talked over the things he had seen, and assured the 
Colonel that he would see all the social work we had in the way of 
shelters and elevators, and homes, and everything else of the kind 
before he returned to Africa. 

In 1899 Mr. Rhodes made a speech at the Mansion House in 
support of the army. He said : " The work of your organisation 
is a practical one. (Loud applause). The Cabinet, of which I was 
a member, was appealed to for a contribution for the army in that 
part of the world. Statistics were called for, and we gathered that 
you offered homes for waifs and strays, and those, perhaps, who 
had fallen in the colony, and who, when released from prison, had 


going a man not to set himself to the task of ascertaining the 
will of God towards us if so be that there be a God, of which, 
as aforesaid, the Rhodesian calculation is that the chances are 
even, for or against. 

another chance in life through the medium of your organisation. 
We learnt that they were provided with a home when they left the 
prison, and obtained a fresh start in life. The practical view which 
Parliament took of that work was to vote a grant in their favour, 
and that vote has been continued ever since. 

" I have been told by Mr. Bramwell Booth that you meet here 
at times with opposition. I have even been told by members of 
other organisations that they object to the details of your methods. 
I have been told that objection has been taken to the use of the 
bands, and military titles of your officers, but I do know this, that 
in my own Church there are many disputes as to details (a laugh) 
disputes as to the use of incense, the use of the confessional, the 
lighting and non-lighting of candles, and as to the wearing of 
embroidered garments (laughter) but, after all (and Mr. Rhodes 
waved his hand as to emphasise his contempt for these narrow- 
minded objectors), let us put these details aside. (Loud applause.) 

" What do we recognise ? We recognise this, that they are not 
doing the work of the ordinary human being. Be he an officer of 
this organisation, a minister of my Church, or a priest of the Roman 
Catholic Church, they all have a higher object. They give their 
whole lives for the bettering of humanity. I can simply give you 
my word that, living in a remote portion of Her Majesty's dominions, 
I gladly give my testimony to the good and practical work which 
you do in that part of the world that I have adopted as my home." 
(Loud and continued applause.) 

Mr. W. Bramwell Booth, writing in the War Cry, adds his 
testimony as follows : 

But it was during that day on the colony that I really got a 
glimpse of the true man. He was down with us at the General's 
invitation. They had met before in South Africa, and Mr. Rhodes 
was evidently much taken with the General. I have heard it said 
that he was a silent, taciturn man, cold, stiff, and difficult to talk 
to. I saw nothing of the sort. Before we had been seated for five 
minutes in the railway carriage on the outward journey, he and 
the General were talking as hard as they could go about the poor 
and the miserable of the world, about South Africa and the native 
races, about the prospects of our work in Rhodesia it was before 
this awful war and the chances of our getting help to do some- 
thing for the peoples on the Zambesi. Mr. Rhodes seemed to eater 
fully into the General's ideas as to the value of the people to the 
country before all else, and the importance of caring for their moral 
and spiritual, as well as their material well-being. After a while, 
the General proposed prayer, and, kneeling down in the compart- 
ment, sought God's blessing on our visitor. Mr. Rhodes bowed 
his head, and closed his eyes with much reverence ; and when the 

Photograph by\ 

\E. H. Mills. 

Mr. and Mrs. Maguire. 



Mr. Rhodes, as I have said, is a Darwinian. He believes 
in the gospel of evolution, of the survival of the fittest, of 
progress by natural selection. With such outfit as this, he set 
himself in his diamond-hole to attempt the solution of the 
oldest of all problems. " If there be a God, and if He cares 
anything about what I do, then," said Rhodes to himself, " I 
think I shall not be far wrong in concluding that He would 
like me to do pretty much as He is doing to work on the 
same lines towards the same end. Therefore, the first thing 
for me to do is to try to find out what God if there be a God 
is doing in this world ; what are His instruments, what lines 
is He going on, and what is He aiming at. The next thing, 
then, for me to do is to do the same thing, use the same instru- 
ments, follow the same lines, and aim at the same mark to the 
best of my ability." 

Having thus cleared the way, Mr. Rhodes put on his 
thinking cap and endeavoured to puzzle out answers to these 
questions. It sounds somewhat profane, the way in which 
he puts it ; but in its essence, is it not the way in which 

General took his seat again, held out his hand to him in the midst 
of a silence, which to me seemed eloquent of thoughts too deep for 
words. Later in the day I had a close talk with him about eternal 
things. I have no idea what religious training or experience he 
may have had in the past, but one thing was quite clear to me, he 
had a lofty conception of duty, and while conscious of his great 
influence, knew that it was bestowed on him in the providence of 
God, to Whom he was accountable for all. 

Mr. Rhodes was delighted with his day at Hadleigh, and said 
so. He went everywhere, saw everything, asked innumerable 
questions, interviewed officers and colonists, tasted the soup, chal- 
lenged the price of the coal, offered his advice on the value of 
certain fruit trees, and chaffed me unmercifully about an old 
portable engine which ought, no doubt, to have been disposed of 
long ago, but which our poverty had induced us to keep going. He 
was much impressed by some of the colonists, and could not believe 
at first that these fine brawny fellows could ever have been what, 
alas ! we knew only too well to have been the case. The General 
requested him to speak to one or two, and he was delighted, and 
showed it in the most unaffected manner. 

When we were separating that night at Liverpool Street Station, 
he said to me, " Ah ! You and the General are right ; you have the 
best of me after all. I am trying to make new countries ; you are 
making new men" 


all earnest souls, each according to his own light, have 
endeavoured to probe the mystery of the universe ? Is not 
the supreme profanity not the use of mundane dialect to 
describe the process, but rather the failure to put the question 
at all ? 


The first thing that impressed Mr. Rhodes, as the result of 
a survey of the ways of God to man, is that the Deity must 
look at things on a comprehensive scale. If Mr. Rhodes 
thinks in continents, his Maker must at least think in planets. 
In other words, the Divine plan must be at least co-extensive 
with the human race. If there be a God at all who cares 
about us, He cares for the whole of us, not for an elect few in 
a corner. Whatever instrument He uses must be one that is 
capable of influencing the whole race. Hence the range of 
the instrument, or, as a Papist would say, the catholicity of the 
Church, is one of the first credentials of its Divine origin and 
authority. Hole-and-corner plans of salvation, theological or 
political, are out of court. If we can discover the traces of 
the Divine plan, it must be universal, and that agency or 
constitution which most nearly approximates to it in the 
universality of its influence bears the Divine trade-mark. 


This conception of the Divine credentials seemed to 
Mr. Rhodes to be immediately fatal to the pretensions of all 
the Churches. They may be all very good in their way,* 

* Mr. Rhodes was emphatically of opinion that they were all 
good in their way. The Rev. A. P. Loxley, writing to the Times, 
says : " When so much is being said as to Mr. Rhodes's attitude 
towards religion it is worth remembering what he did and said 
with regard to education in Rhodesia. His plan was (and it had 
the Bishop's full approval) that for half an hour every morning the 
ministers of each Church or denomination should come and teach 
their special dogmas to the children of the members of their 
congregation. Presiding at the prize-giving of St. John's, Bulawayo, 
last autumn, he said : ' In England a Board school is not bound 
to have any religion. I think it is a mistake, just as I think it is a 
mistake in Australia that they have excluded history and religion 
from their schools. I think it is an absolute mistake, because, 
after all, the child at school is at that period of its life when it is 
most pliable to thoughts, and if you remove from it all thought of 
religion I do not think you make it a better human being. There 


but one and all are sectional. The note of catholicity is 
everywhere lacking. Even the Roman Catholic but touches 
a decimal of the race. Besides, all the Churches are but of 
yesterday. They belong to the latest phase of human evolu- 
tion. What Mr. Rhodes was after was something older and 
more universal. He found it in the doctrine of evolution. 
Here, at least, was a law or uniform method of Divine 
procedure which in point of view of antiquity left nothing to 
be desired, and which at this present moment is universally 
active among all sentient beings. What is the distinctive 
feature of that doctrine? The perfection of the species, 
attained by the elimination of the unfit ; the favourable 
handicapping of the fit. The most capable species survives, 
the least capable goes to the wall. The perfecting of the 
fittest species among the animals, or of races among men, and 
then the conferring upon the perfected species or race the 
title-deeds of the future ; that seemed to Mr. Rhodes, through 
his Darwinian spectacles, the way in which God is governing 
His world, has governed it, and will continue to govern it, so 
far as we can foresee the future. 


The planet being postulated as the area of the Divine 
activity, and the perfecting of the race by process of natural 
selection, and the struggle for existence being recognised as the 
favourite instruments of the Divine Ruler, the question imme- 
diately arose as to which race at the present time seems most 
likely to be the Divine instrument in carrying out the Divine 
idea over the whole of this planet. The answer may seem to 
Chauvinists obvious enough. But Mr. Rhodes is not a 
Chauvinist. He was conducting a serious examination into a 
supremely important question, and he would take nothing for 
granted. There are various races of mankind the Yellow, the 

is no doubt but that it is during the period of youth that you get 
those impressions which afterwards dominate your whole life. I 
am quite clear that a child brought up with religious thoughts 
makes a better human being. I am quite sure to couple the 
ordinary school teaching with some thoughts of religion is better 
than dismissing religion from within the walls of the school.' " 
Natal Diocesan Magazine. 


Black, the Brown, and the White. If the test be numerical, 
the Yellow race conies first. But if the test be the area of the 
world and the power to control its destinies, the primacy of the 
White race is indisputable. The Yellow race is massed thick 
on one half of a single continent: the White exclusively occupies 
Europe, practically occupies the Americas, is colonising 
Australia, and is dominating Asia. In the struggle for exist- 
ence the White race had unquestionably come out on top. 

The White race being thus favourably handicapped by the 
supreme Handicapper, the next question was which of the 
White races is naturally selected for survival which is proving 
itself most fit in the conditions of its environment to defeat 
adverse influences and to preserve persistently its distinctive 


At this point in the analysis Mr. Rhodes dropped for the 
moment the first line of inquiry to take up another, which 
might lead him more directly to his goal. What is it that God 
if there be a God is aiming at ? What is the ultimate aim 
of all this process of evolution ? What is the Divine ideal 
towards which all creation presses, consciously or uncon- 
sciously? To find out the ultimate destination of sentient 
creatures may be difficult or even impossible ; but the only 
clue which we have to the drift of the Divine action is to note 
the road by which He has led us hitherto, to see how far we 
have got already. Then we may be in a position to infer, 
with some degree of probability, the route that has still to be 
travelled. If, therefore, we wish to see where we are tending, 
the first thing to do is to examine those who are in advance. 
We do not go back to the ape, the Bushman, or the Pigmy to 
see the trend of evolution. We go rather to the foremost of 
mankind, the most cultured specimens of the civilised race, 
the best men, in short, of whom we have any records or 
knowledge since history began. What these exceptionally 
it may be prematurely evolved individuals have attained is 
a prophecy of what the whole phalanx of humanity may be 
destined to reach. They are the highwater mark of the race 
up till now. Progress will consist in bringing mankind up to 
their level. 



Proceeding further in his examination of the foremost and 
most highly evolved specimens of the race, Mr. Rhodes 
found them distinguished among their fellows by certain moral 
qualities which enable us to form some general conception as 
to the trend of evolution. Contemplating the highest realised 
standard of human perfection, Mr. Rhodes formed the idea 
that the cue to the Divine purpose was to discover the race 
which would be most likely to universalise certain broad 
general principles. " What," asked Mr. Rhodes, " is the 
highest thing in the world ? Is it not the idea of Justice ? 
I know none higher. Justice between man and man equal, 
absolute, impartial, fair play to all ; that surely must be the 
first note of a perfected society. But, secondly, there must be 
Liberty, for without freedom there can be no justice. Slavery 
in any form which denies a man a right to be himself, and to 
use all his faculties to their best advantage, is, and must 
always be, unjust. And the third note of the ultimate towards 
which our race is bending must surely be that of Peace, of the 
industrial commonwealth as opposed to the military clan or 
fighting Empire." Anyhow, these three seemed to Mr. Rhodes 
sufficient to furnish him with a metewand wherewith to measure 
the claims of the various races of the world to be regarded as 
the Divine instrument of future evolution. Justice, Liberty, 
and Peace these three. Which race in the world most 
promotes, over the widest possible area, a state of society 
having these three as corner-stones ? 

Who is to decide the question ? Let all the races vote and 
see what they will say. Each race will no doubt vote for itself, 
but who receives every second vote ? Mr. Rhodes had no 
hesitation in arriving at the conclusion that the English race 
the English-speaking man, whether British, American, 
Australian, or South African is the type of the race which 
does now, and is likely to continue to do in the future, the most 
practical, effective work to establish justice, to promote liberty, 
and to ensure peace over the widest possible area of the planet. 


"Therefore," said Mr. Rhodes to himself in his curious 
way, "if there be a God, and He cares anything about what I 


do, I think it is clear that He would like me to do what He is 
doing Himself. And as He is manifestly fashioning the English- 
speaking race as the chosen instrument by which He will bring 
in a state of society based upon Justice, Liberty and Peace, 
He must obviously wish me to do what I can to give as much 
scope and power to that race as possible. Hence," so he 
concludes this long argument, " if there be a God, I think that 
what He would like me to do is to paint as much of the map 
of Africa British red as possible, and to do what I can 
elsewhere to promote the unity and extend the influence of the 
English-speaking race." 

Mr. Rhodes had found his longed-for ideal, nor has he 
ever since then had reason to complain that it was not 
sufficiently elevated or sufficiently noble to be worth the 
devotion of his whole life. 

The passage in Aristotle which exercised so much influence 
upon the Oxford undergraduate was his definition of virtue, 
" Virtue is the highest activity of the soul living for the highest 
object in a perfect life." That, he said, had always seemed 
to him the noblest rule to follow, and he made it his rule from 
the first. I kept no written notes of that memorable conver- 
sation. But the spirit and drift of our talk the following 
extract from a letter which I wrote to Mr. Rhodes three 
months later may suffice to illustrate : 

" I have been thinking a great deal since I first saw you 
about your great idea " (that of the Society, which he certainly 
did not take from the Pall Mall Gazette), " and the more I 
think the more it possesses me, and the more I am shut up to 
the conclusion that the best way in which I can help towards 
its realisation is, as you said in a letter to me last month, by 
working towards the paper. ... If, as it seems to me, your 
idea and mine is in its essence the undertaking according to 
our lights to rebuild the City of God and reconstitute in the 
nineteenth century some modern equivalent equipped with 
modern appliances of the Mediaeval Church of the ninth cen- 
tury on a foundation as broad as Humanity, then some pre- 
liminary inspection of the planet would seem almost indis- 

Any immediate action in this direction, however, was post- 
poned until he made a success of Mashonaland. He wrote, 


" If we made a success of this, it would be doubly easy to carry 
out the programme which I sketched out to you, a part of which 
would be the paper." 

So he wrote from Lisbon on his way out. A year later 
(November 25th, 1890) he wrote : 

" My dear Stead, I am getting on all right, and you must 
remember that I am going on with the same ideas as we dis- 
cussed after lunch at Sir Charles Mills'. ... I am sorry I 
never met Booth. I understand what he is exactly. . . . When 
I come home again I must meet Cardinal Manning, but I am 
waiting until I make my Charter a success before we attempt 
our Society you can understand." 

By the time this letter reached me I was leaving the Pall 
Mall Gazette and preparing for the publication of the first 
number of the REVIEW OF REVIEWS. It was an enterprise in 
which Mr. Rhodes took the keenest interest. The first number 
was issued on January i5th, 1891. He regarded it as a prac- 
tical step towards the realisation of his great idea, the reunion 
of the English-speaking world through the agency of a central 
organ served in every part of the world by affiliated Helpers. 

This interest he preserved to the last. He told me with 
great glee when last in England how he had his copy smuggled 
into Kimberley during the siege at a time when martial law for- 
bade its circulation, and although he made wry faces over some 
of my articles, he was to the end keenly interested in its success. 

After this explanation I venture to inflict upon my readers 
some extracts from the opening address " To all English- 
speaking Folk," which appeared in the first number of the 
REVIEW OF REVIEWS. Possibly they may read it to-day with 
more understanding of its significance, and of what lay behind 
in the thought of the writer. Mr. Rhodes regarded it, he 
used to say, as "an attempt to realise our ideas," for after the 
first talk with him when he touched upon these " deep things," 
it was never " my ideas " or " your ideas," but always " our 
ideas." Bearing that in mind, glance over a few brief extracts 
from the manifesto with which this periodical was launched 
into the world : 


There exists at this moment no institution which even aspires to be to 
the English-speaking world what the Catholic Church in its prime was to 


the intelligence of Christendom. To call attention to the need for such an 
institution, adjusted, of course, to the altered circumstances of the New 
Era. to enlist the co-operation of all those who will work towards the 
creation of some such common centre for the inter-communication of ideas, 
and the universal diffusion of the ascertained results of human experience 
in a form accessible to all men, are the ultimate objects for which this 
REVIEW has been established. 

We shall be independent of party, because, having a very clear and 
intelligible faith, we survey the struggles of contending parties from the 
standpoint of a consistent body of doctrine, and steadily seek to use all 
parties for the realisation of our ideals. 

These ideals are unmistakably indicated by the upward trend of human 
progress and our position in the existing economy of the world. Among 
all the agencies for the shaping of the future of the human race none 
seem so potent now and still more hereafter as the English-speaking man. 
Already he begins to dominate the world. The Empire and the Republic 
comprise within their limits almost all the territory that remains empty for 
the overflow of the world. Their citizens, with all their faults, are leading 
the van of civilisation, and if any great improvements are to be made in 
the condition of mankind, they will necessarily be leading instruments in 
the work. Hence our first starting-point will be a deep and almost awe- 
struck regard for the destinies of the English-speaking man. To use 
Milton's famous phrase, faith in "God's Englishmen" will be our inspiring 
principle. To make the Englishman worthy of his immense vocation, and, 
at the same time, to help to hold together and strengthen the political ties 
which at present link all English-speaking communities save one in a 
union which banishes all dread of internecine war, to promote by every 
means a fraternal union with the American Republic, to work for the 
Empire, to seek to strengthen it, to develop it, and, when necessary, to 
extend it, these will be our plainest duties. 

Imperialism within limits defined by common sense and the Ten 
Commandments is a very different thing from the blatant Jingoism which 
some years ago made the very name of empire stink in the nostrils of all 
decent people. The sobering sense of the immense responsibilities of our 
Imperial position is the best prophylactic for the frenzies of Jingoism. 
And in like manner the sense of the lamentable deficiencies and imperfec- 
tions of " God's Englishmen," which results from a strenuous attempt to 
make them worthy of their destinies, is the best preservative against that 
odious combination of cant and arrogance which made Heine declare that 
the Englishman was the most odious handiwork of the Creator. To interpret 
to the English-speaking race the best thought of the other peoples is one 
among the many services which we would seek to render to the Empire. 

We believe in God, in England, and in Humanity. The English- 
speaking race is one of the chief of God's chosen agents for executing 
coming improvements in the lot of mankind. If all those who see that 
could be brought into hearty union to help all that tends to make that 
race more fit to fulfil its providential mission, and to combat all that 
hinders or impairs that work, such an association or secular order would 


constitute a nucleus or rallying point for all that is most vital in the 
English world, the ultimate influence of which it would be difficult to 

This is the highest of all the functions to which we aspire. Our 
supreme duty is the winnowing out by a process of natural selection, and 
enlisting for hearty service for the commonweal all those who possess 
within their hearts the sacred fire of patriotic devotion to their country. 

Who is there among the people who has truth in him, who is no self- 
seeker, who is no coward, and who is capable of honest, painstaking effort 
to help- his^auntry ? For such men we would search as for hid treasures. 
They are the salt of the earth and the light of the world, and it is the duty 
and the privilege of the wise man to see that they are like cities set on the 
hill which cannot be hid. 

The great word which has now to be spoken in the ears of the world is 
that the time has come when men and women must work for the salvation 
of the State with as much zeal and self-sacrifice as they now work for the 
salvation of the individual. To save the country from the grasp of demons 
innumerable, to prevent this Empire or this Republic becoming an incarnate 
demon of lawless ambition and cruel love of gold, how many men or 
women are willing to spend even one hour a month or a year? The 
religious side of politics has not yet entered the minds of men. 

What is wanted is a revival of civic faith, a quickening of spiritual 
life in the political sphere, the inspiring of men and women with the 
conception of what may be done towards the salvation of the world, if 
they will but bring to bear upon public affairs the same spirit of self- 
sacrificing labour that so many thousands manifest in the ordinary drudgery 
of parochial and evangelistic work. It may, no doubt, seem an impossible 

That which we really wish to found among our readers is in very truth 
a civic church, every member of which should zealously as much as it lay 
within him preach the true faith, and endeavour to make it operative in 
the hearts and heads of its neighbours. Were such a church founded it 
would be as a great voice sounding out over sea and land the summons to 
all men to think seriously and soberly of the public life in which they are 
called to fill a part. Visible in many ways is the decadence of the Press. 
The mentor of the young democracy has abandoned philosophy, and stuffs 
the ears of its Telemachus with descriptions of Calypso's petticoats and the 
latest scandals from the Court. All the more need, then, that there should 
be a voice which, like that of the muezzin from the Eastern minaret, would 
summon the faithful to the duties imposed by their belief. 

This, it may be said, involves a religious idea, and when religion is 
introduced harmonious co-operation is impossible. That was so once ; it 
will not always be the case. 

To establish a periodical circulating throughout the English-speaking 
world, with its affiliates or associates in every town, and its correspondents 
in every village, read as men used to read their Bibles, not to waste an idle 
hour, but to discover the will of God and their duty to man, whose staff 
and readers alike are bound together by a common faith and a readiness to 


do common service for a common end that, indeed, is an object for which 
it is worth while to make some sacrifice. Such a publication so supported 
would be at once an education and an inspiration ; and who can say, 
looking at the present condition of England and of America, that it is not 
needed ? 

That was my idea as I expressed it. That was Mr. 
Rhodes's idea also. It was " our idea " his idea of the secret 
society broadened and made presentable to the public 
without in any way revealing the esoteric truth that lay 
behind. Mr. Rhodes recognised this and eagerly wel- 
comed it. 

Mr. Rhodes returned to England in 1891, and the day 
after his arrival he came round to Mowbray House and talked 
for three hours concerning his plans, his hopes, and his ideas. 
Fortunately, immediately after he left I dictated to my secretary 
a full report of the conversation, which, as usual, was very 
discursive and ranged over a great number of subjects of the 
day. It was in this conversation, after a close and prolonged 
argument, that he expressed his readiness to adopt the course 
from which he had at first recoiled viz., that of securing the 
unity of the English-speaking race by consenting to the 
absorption of the British Empire in the American Union if it 
could not be secured in any other way. In his first dream he 
clung passionately to the idea of British ascendency this was 
in 1877 in the English-speaking union of which he then 
thought John Bull was to be the predominant partner. But in 
1891, abandoning in no whit his devotion to his own country, 
he expressed his deliberate conviction that English-speaking 
reunion was so great an end in itself as to justify even the 
sacrifice of the monarchical features and isolated existence 
of the British Empire. At our first conversation in 1889 he 
had somewhat demurred to this frank and logical acceptance of 
the consequences of his own principles; but in 1891 all 
hesitation disappeared, and from that moment the ideal of 
English-speaking reunion assumed its natural and final place 
as the centre of his political aspirations. He resumed very 
eagerly his conversation as to the realisation of his projects. 
He was in high spirits, and expressed himself as delighted with 
the work which I had done in founding the REVIEW of 
REVIEWS, and especially with the effort which was made to 


secure the co-operation of the more public-spirited persons of 
our way of thinking in every constituency in the country, 
which formed the inspiration of the Association of Helpers. 

" You hive begun," said he, " to realise my idea. In the 
REVIEW and the Association of Helpers you have made the 
beginning which is capable afterwards of being extended so as 
to carry out our idea." 

We then discussed the persons who should be taken into 
our confidence. At that time he assured me he had spoken of 
it to no one, with the exception of myself and two others. 
He authorised me to communicate with two friends, now 
members of the Upper House, who were thoroughly in 
sympathy with the gospel according to the Pall Mall Gazette, 
and who had been as my right and left hands during my 
editorship of that paper. 

He entered at considerable length into the question of the 
disposition of his fortune after his death. He said that if he 
were to die then the whole of his money was left absolutely at 
the disposition of " X." 

" But," he said, ' the thought torments me sometimes 
when I wake at night that if I die all my money will pass into 
the hands of a man who, however well-disposed, is absolutely 
incapable of understanding my ideas. I have endeavoured to 
explain them to him, but I could see from the look on his face 
that it made no impression, that the ideas did not enter his 
mind, and that I was simply wasting my time." 

Mr. Rhodes went on to say that his friend's son was even 
less sympathetic than the father, and he spoke with pathos of 
the thought of his returning to the world after he was dead 
and seeing none of his money applied to the uses for the sake 
of which he had made his fortune. 

Therefore, he went on to say, he proposed to add my name 
to that of " X.," and to leave at the same time a letter which 
would give " X." to understand that the money was to be dis- 
posed of by me, in the assured conviction that I should employ 
every penny of his millions in promoting the ideas to which 
we had both dedicated our lives. 

I was somewhat startled at this, and remarked that " X." 
would be considerably amazed when he found himself saddled 
with such a joint-heir as myself, and I suggested to Mr. 



Rhodes that he had better explain the change which he was 
making in his will to " X." while he was here in London. 

" No," he said, " my letter will make it quite plain 
to him." 

"Well," I said, "but there may be trouble. When the 
will is opened, and he discovers that the money is left really 
at my disposition, instead of at his, there may be ructions." 

" I don't mind that," said Mr. Rhodes ; "I shall be 
gone then." 

The will then drawn up was revoked in 1893. 

In 1892 Mr. Rhodes was back in London, and again the 
question of the disposition of his fortune came up, and he 
determined to make a fifth will. Before he gave his final 
instructions he discussed with me the question whether there 
should not be a third party added, so that we should be 
three. We discussed one or two names, and he afterwards 
told me that he had added Mr. Hawksley as a third party. 
His reasons for doing this were that he liked Mr. Hawksley, 
and had explained, expounded, and discussed his views with 
him, and found him sympathetic. He went on to say : 

" I think it is best that it should be left so. You know my 
ideas, and will carry them out. But there will be a great deal 
of financial administration that " X." will look after. Many 
legal questions will be involved, and these you can safely 
leave in the hands of Mr. Hawksley." 

And so it was that when the fifth will, drafted in 1892, was 
signed by Mr. Rhodes in 1893, " X.," Mr. Hawksley and myself 
were left sole executors and joint-heirs of Mr. Rhodes's fortune, 
with the understanding that I was the custodian of the 
Rhodesian ideas, that I was to decide as to the method in 
which the money was to be used according to these ideas, 
subject to the advice of "X." on financial matters, and of 
Mr. Hawksley on matters of law. 

In 1894 Mr. Rhodes came to England and again discussed 
with me the working of the scheme, reported to me his 
impressions of the various Ministers and leaders of Opposition 
whom he met, discussing each of them from the point of view 
as to how far he would assist in carrying out " our ideas." 
We also discussed together various projects for propaganda, 
the formation of libraries, the creation of lectureships, the 


despatch of emissaries on missions of propagandism throughout 
the Empire, and the steps to be taken to pave the way for the 
foundation and the acquisition of a newspaper which was to be 
devoted to the service of the cause. There was at one time a 
discussion of a proposal to endow the Association of Helpers 
with the annual income of ^"5,000, but Mr. Rhodes postponed 
the execution of this scheme until he was able to make the 
endowment permanent. He was heavily drawn upon in the 
development of Rhodesia ; he did not wish to realise his 
securities just then, but he entered with the keenest interest 
into all these projects. 

" I tell you everything," he said to me ; " I tell you all my 
plans. You tell me all your schemes, and when we get the 
northern country settled we shall be able to carry them out. 
It is necessary," he added, " that I should tell you ail my ideas, 
in order that you may know what to do if I should go. But," 
he went on, " I am still full of vigour and life, and I don't 
expect that I shall require anyone but myself to administer my 
money for many years to come." 

It was at an interview in January, 1895, that Mr. Rhodes 
first announced to me his intention to found scholarships. It 
is interesting to compare the first draft of his intentions with 
the final form in which it was given in his will of 1899 and its 
codicil of 1900. He told me that when he was on the Red 
Sea in 1893 a thought suddenly struck him that it would be a 
good thing to create a number of scholarships tenable at a 
residential English University, that should be open to the 
various British Colonies. He proposed to found twelve 
scholarships every year, each tenable for three years, of the 
value of ^250 a year, to be held at Oxford. He said he 
had added a codicil to his will making provision for these 
scholarships, which would entail an annual charge upon his 
estate of about ^10,000 a year. He explained that there 
would be three for French Canadians and three for British. 
Each of the Australasian Colonies, including Western Australia 
and Tasmania, was to have three that is to say, one each 
year ; but the Cape, because it was his own Colony, was to 
have twice as many scholarships as any other Colony. This, 
he said, he had done in order to give us, as his executors and 
heirs, a friendly lead as to the kind of thing he wanted done 

H 2 


with his money. The scholarships were to be tenable at 

When Mr. Rhodes left England in February, 1895, he was 
at the zenith of his power. Alike in London and in South 
Africa, every obstacle seemed to bend before his determined 
will. It was difficult to say upon which political party he could 
count with greater confidence for support. He was indepen- 
dent of both parties, and on terms of more or less cordial 
friendship with one or two leaders in both of the alternative 
Governments. In Rhodesia the impis of Lobengula had been 
shattered, and a territory as large as the German Empire 
had been won for civilisation at a cost both in blood and 
treasure which is in signal contrast to the expenditure incurred 
for such expeditions when directed from Downing Street. 
When he left England everything seemed to point to his being 
able to carry out his greater scheme, when we should be able 
to have undertaken the propagation of " our ideas " on a wider 
scale throughout the world. 

And then, upon this fair and smiling prospect, the abortive 
conspiracy in Johannesburg of the Raid cast its dark and 
menacing shadow over the scene. No one in all England had 
more reason than I to regret the diversion of Mr. Rhodes's 
energies from the path which he had traced for himself. Who 
can imagine to what pinnacle of greatness Mr. Rhodes might 
not have risen if the natural and normal pacific development 
of South Africa, which was progressing so steadily under 
his enlightened guidance, had not been rudely interrupted 
by the fiasco for which Mr. Rhodes was not primarily 

It was what seemed to me the inexplicable desire of Mr. 
Rhodes to obtain Bechuanaland as a jumping-off place which 
led to the first divergence of view between him and myself on 
the subject of South African policy. The impetuosity with 
which his emissaries pressed for the immediate transfer of 
Bechuanaland to the Chartered Company made me very uneasy, 
and I resolutely opposed the cession of the jumping-off place 
subsequently used by Dr. Jameson as a base for his Raid. 
Mr. Rhodes was very wroth, and growled like an angry bear at 
what he regarded as my perversity in objecting to a cession of 
territory for which I could see no reason, but which he thought 


it ought to have been enough for me that he desired it. My 
opposition was unfortunately unavailing. 

In the two disastrous years which followed the Raid, 
although I saw Mr. Rhodes frequently, we talked little or 
nothing about his favourite Society. More pressing questions 
preoccupied our attention. I regretted that Mr. Rhodes was 
not sent to gaol, and told him so quite frankly. 

For reasons which need not be stated, as they are 
sufficiently obvious, no attempt was made to bring Mr. 
Rhodes to justice. His superiors were publicly whitewashed, 
while the blow fell heavily upon his subordinates. When Mr. 
Rhodes came back to " face the music " he fully expected that 
he would be imprisoned, and had even planned out a course 
of reading by which he hoped to improve the enforced sojourn 
in a convict cell. 

Through all that trying time I can honestly say that I did 
my level best to help my friend out of the scrape in which he 
had placed himself without involving the nation at the same 
time in the disaster which subsequently overtook it. My 
endeavour to induce all parties to tell the truth and to 
shoulder the modicum of blame attaching to each for his 
share of the conspiracy failed. Mr. Rhodes was offered up- 
as a scapegoat. But although differing so widely on the vital 
question with which was bound up the future of South Africa, 
my relations with Mr. Rhodes remained as affectionate and 
intimate as ever. The last time I saw him before the war 
broke out we had a long talk, which failed to bring us to 
agreement. Mr. Rhodes said that he had tried his hand at 
settling the Transvaal business, but he had made such a mess 
of it that he absolutely refused to take any initiative in the 
matter again. The question was now in the hands of Lord 
Milner, and he appealed to me to support my old colleague, 
for whose nomination as High Commissioner I was largely 
responsible. I said that while I would support Milner in 
whatever policy he thought fit to pursue, so long as he con- 
fined himself to measures of peace, I could not believe, even 
on his authority, that the situation in South Africa would justify 
an appeal to arms. Mr. Rhodes replied : 

" You will support Milner in any measure that he may take 
short of war. I make no such limitation. I support Milner 


absolutely without reserve. If he says peace, I say peace ; if 
he says war, I say war. Whatever happens, I say ditto to 

In justice to Mr. Rhodes it must be said that he was 
firmly convinced that President Kruger would yield,- and that 
no resort to arms would be necessary. He went to South 
Africa and I went to the Hague, and we did not meet again 
until after the siege of Kimberley. 

It was in July, 1899, before the outbreak of the war, that 
Mr. Rhodes revoked his will of 1891, and substituted for it 
what is now known as his last will and testament. It is 
probable that the experience which we had gained since the 
Raid of the difficulties of carrying out his original design led 
him to recast his will to give it a scope primarily educational, 
instead of leaving the whole of his estate to me and my joint- 
heirs to be applied as I thought best for the furtherance of 
his political idea. Anyhow, the whole scheme was recast. 
Trustees were appointed for carrying out various trusts, all of 
which, however, did not absorb more' than half of the income 
of his estate. The idea which found expression in all his 
earlier wills reappeared solely in the final clause appointing his 
trustees and executors joint-heirs of the residue of the estate. 

In selecting the executors, trustees and joint-heirs Mr. 
Rhodes substituted the name of Lord Grey for that of "X.," 
re-appointed Mr. Hawksley and myself, strengthened the 
financial element by adding the names of Mr. Beit and 
Mr. Michell, of the Standard Bank of South Africa, and then 
<:ro\vned the edifice by adding the name of Lord Rosebery. 
As the will stood at the beginning of the war, there were six 
executors, trustees, and joint-heirs to wit, Mr. Hawksley and 
myself, representing the original legatees, Lord Rosebery, 
Lord Grey, Mr. Beit, and Mr. Michell. 

Many discussions took place during the framing of this will. 
In those preliminary discussions I failed to induce Mr. Rhodes 
to persevere in his original intention to allow the scholarships 
to be held equally at Oxford and Cambridge, and therein I 
think Mr. Rhodes was right. I was more fortunate, however, 
in inducing him to extend the scope of his scholarships so as 
to include in the scheme the States and Territories of the 
American Union, but he refused to open his scholarships to 


women. He was for some time in difficulty as to how to 
provide for the selection of his scholarships, for he rejected 
absolutely all suggestions which pointed to competitive exami- 
nation pure and simple. A suggestion made by Professor 
Lindsay, of Glasgow, that the vote of the boys in the school 
should be decisive as to the physical and moral qualities of the 
competitors which Mr. Rhodes desiderated was submitted by 
me to Mr. Rhodes, and incorporated by him in the body of 
the will. The precise proportion of the marks to be allowed 
under each head was not finally fixed until the following year. 
So far as I was concerned, although still intensely interested 
in Mr. Rhodes's conceptions, the change that was then made 
immensely reduced my responsibility. To be merely one of 
half a dozen executors and trustees was a very different 
matter from being charged with the chief responsibility of 
using the whole of Mr. Rhodes's wealth for the purposes of 
political propaganda, which, if Mr. Rhodes had been killed by 
the Matabele or had died any time between 1891 and 1899, it 
would have been my duty to undertake. 

When, after the raising of the siege of Kimberley, Mr. 
Rhodes returned to London, I had a long talk with him at the 
Burlington Hotel in April, 1900. Mr. Rhodes, although more 
affectionate than he had ever been before in manner, did not 
in the least disguise his disappointment that I should have 
thrown myself so vehemently into the agitation against the 
war. It seemed to him extraordinary ; but he charitably con- 
cluded it was due to my absorption in the Peace Conference 
at the Hague. His chief objection, which obviously was 
present to his mind when, nearly twelve months later, he 
removed me from being executor, was not so much the fact 
that I differed from him in judgment about the war, as that I 
was not willing to subordinate my judgment to that of the 
majority of our associates who were on the spot. He said : 

"That is the curse which will be fatal to our ideas 
insubordination. Do not you think it is very disobedient of 
you ? How can our Society be worked if each one sets him- 
self up as the sole judge of what ought to be done ? Just look 
at the position here. We three are in South Africa, all of us 
your boys " (for that was the familiar way in which he always 
spoke) " I myself, Milner and Garrett, all of whom learned 


Photograph by\ 

{Frederick Hollyer. 

Mr. F. E. Garrett. 


their politics from you. We are on the spot, and we are 
unanimous in declaring this war to be necessary. You have 
never been in South Africa, and yet instead of deferring to 
the judgment of your own boys, you fling yourself into a 
violent opposition to the war. I should not have acted in 
that way about an English question or an American question. 
No matter how much I might have disliked the course which 
you advised, I would have said, ' No, I know Stead ; I trust 
his judgment, and he is on the spot. I support whatever 
policy he recommends.' " 

" It's all very well," I replied, " but you see, although I 
have never been in South Africa, I learned my South African 
policy at the feet of a man who was to me the greatest 
authority on the subject. He always impressed upon me 
one thing so strongly that it became a fixed idea in my mind, 
from which I could never depart. That principle was that you 
could not rule South Africa without the Dutch, and that if 
you quarrelled with the Dutch South Africa was lost to the 
Empire. My teacher," I said, " whose authority I reverence 
perhaps you know him ? His name was Cecil John 
Rhodes. Now I am true to the real, aboriginal Cecil 
John Rhodes, and I cannot desert the principles which he 
taught me merely because another who calls himself by the 
same name advises me to follow an exactly opposite policy." 

Mr. Rhodes laughed and said : " Oh, well, circumstances 
have changed. But after all that does not matter now. The 
war is ending, and that is a past issue." 

Mr. Rhodes went back to Africa and I did not see him 
again till his return last year. In January, 1901, he had 
added a codicil to his will, removing my name from the list of 
executors, fearing that the others might find it difficult to work 
with me. He wrote me at the same time saying I was " too 
masterful " to work with the other executors.* 

* On this subject Mr. B. F. Hawksley, solicitor to Mr. Rhodes, 
writes : " It is quite true that Mr. Rhodes associated my friend 
Mr. W. T. Stead wfth those upon whom he has imposed the task 
of carrying out his aspirations. In the far back days when Mr. 
Stead expounded in the Pall Mall Gazette the common interests 
of the English-speaking peoples his acquaintance was sought by 
Mr. Rhodes an acquaintanceship which ripened into a close 
intimacy and continued to the last. Mr. Rhodes recognised in 


In the October of that year he added Lord Milner's name 
to the list of executors and joint-heirs, and in March, on his 
deathbed, he added the name of Dr. Jameson to the list of 

Looking back over this whole episode of my career an 
episode now definitely closed I remember with gratitude the 
help which I was able to give to Mr. Rhodes, and I regret that 
in the one great blunder which marred his career my opposi- 
tion failed to turn him from his purpose. Both in what I 
aided him to do and in what I attempted to prevent his doing, 
I was faithful to the great ideal for the realisation of which we 
first shook hands in 1889. 

Apart from the success or failure of political projects, 
I have the satisfaction of remembering the words which 
Mr. Rhodes spoke in April, 1900, when the war was at its 
height. Taking my hand in both of his with a tenderness 
quite unusual to him, he said to me : 

""Now I want you to understand that if, in future, you 
should unfortunately feel yourself compelled to attack me 
personally as vehemently as you have attacked my policy in 
this war, it will make no difference to our friendship. I am 
too grateful to you for all that 1 have learned from you to 
allow anything that you may write or say to make any change 
in our relations." 

How few public men there are who would have said that ! 
And yet men marvel that I loved him and love him still. 

That Mr. Rhodes is no more with us may seem to some a 
conclusive reason why all hope should be abandoned of realis- 
ing his great idea. To me it seems that the death of the 
Founder in the midst of his unaccomplished labours is a trumpet 

Mr. Stead one who thought as he did, and who had a marvellous 
gift enabling him to clothe with a literary charm ideas they both 
held dear even as the diamond-cutter will by his work expose the 
brilliancy of the rough diamond. As Mr. Rhodes frequently said 
to me and to others, including Mr. Stead himself, the friendship of 
the two men was too strong to be broken by passing differences on 
the South African war. The removal of Mr. Stead's name from 
Mr. Rhodes's testament arose from other causes quite appreciated 
by Mr. Stead, and which did honour alike to both men. More it is 
unnecessary for me to say, except that I shall be grateful if this 
plain statement can receive the widest publicity." 


call to all those who believed in him to redouble their exertions 
to carry out his vast designs for the achievement of the unity of 
the English-speaking race. 

What is the Rhodesian-ideal ? It is the promotion of racial 
unity on the basis of the principles embodied in the American 
Constitution. The question of differential tariff is a matter of 
detail. The fundamental principle is, as Mr. Rhodes very 
clearly saw, the principle of the American Constitution ; and, 
as he bluntly said, that is Home Rule. As an Empire we must 
federate or perish. 

Mr. Rhodes saw this as clearly as Lord Rosmead, who 
was the first author of the saying ; but it is to be feared 
that many of those who call themselves Rhodesians have 
not yet accepted the very first principle of Mr. Rhodes's 

So this day they apologise for the subscription to Mr. 
Parnell's Home-Rule Chest as if it were a lamentable aberra- 
tion. It was, on the contrary, the very keynote of the whole 
Rhodesian gospel. No man had less sympathy with the high- 
flying Imperialists of Downing Street than had Mr. Rhodes. 
No man more utterly detested the favourite maxims of military 
satraps and Crown G overnors. When he came home from the 
siege of Kimberley he told me that he expected " in two years' 
time to be the best abused man in South Africa by the 
Loyalists." " I am delighted to hear it," I replied ; " but 
how will that come about ? " " Because," he said, " these 
people have set their minds upon trampling on the Dutch, and 
I am not going to allow it. For you cannot govern South 
Africa by trampling on the Dutch." 

Mr. Rhodes was a Home Ruler first and an Imperialist 
afterwards. He realised more keenly than most of his 
friends that the Empire was doomed unless the principle of 
Home Rule was carried out consistently and logically through- 
out the whole of the King's dominions. " If you want to 
know how it is to be done," he once said to me, " read the 
Constitution and the history of the United States. The 
Americans have solved the problem. It is no new thing that 
need puzzle you. English-speaking men have solved it, and 
for more than a hundred years have tested its working. Why 
not profit by their experience ? What they have proved to 


be a good thing for them is not likely to be a bad thing 
for us." 

To be a Rhodesian, then, of the true stamp you must be a 
Home Ruler and something more. You must be an Imperialist, 
not from mere lust of dominion or pride of race, but because you 
believe the Empire is the best available instrument for diffusing 
the principles of Justice, Liberty, and Peace throughout the 
world. Whenever Imperialism involves the perpetration of 
Injustice, the suppression of Freedom, and the waging of wars 
other than those of self-defence, the true Rhodesian must 
cease to be an Imperialist. But a Home Ruler and Federalist, 
according to the principles of the American Constitution, he 
can never cease to be, for Home Rule is a fundamental 
principle, whereas the maintenance and extension of the 
Empire are only means to an end, and may be changed, as 
Mr. Rhodes was willing to change them. If, for instance, the 
realisation of the greater ideal of Race Unity could only be 
brought about by merging the British Empire in the American 
Republic, Mr. Rhodes was prepared to advocate that radical 

The question that now arises is whether in the English- 
speaking world there are to be found men of faith adequate to 
furnish forth materials for the Society of which Mr. Rhodes 
dreamed : 

Still through our paltry stir and strife 

Glows down the wished Ideal, 
And Longing moulds in clay what Life 

Carves in the marble Real. 

We have the clay mould of Mr. Rhodes's longed-for Society. 
Have we got the stuff, in the Empire and the Republic, to 
carve it in marble ? 

Mr. Rhodes, like David, may have had to yield to a 
successor the realisation of an ideal too lofty to be worked out 
by the man who first conceived it. 

" It was in my mind," said the old Hebrew monarch as he 
came to die, " to build an house unto the name of the Lord 
my God. But the word of the Lord came to me, saying, 
Thou hast shed blood abundantly, and hast made great wars ; 


thou shalt not build an house unto My name, because thou 
hast shed much blood upon the earth in My sight. Behold, a 
son shall be bora to thee, who shall be a man of rest. . . . 
he shall build an house for My name." 

So it may be that someone coming after Mr. Rhodes may 
prosper exceedingly in founding the great Order of which 
Mr. Rhodes did dream. 




MR. RHODES was not a great letter- writer. A few of his 
friends, such as Mr. Rudd, his partner in his early days, have 
a copious collection of letters from Mr. Rhodes, but few public 
men were ever so sparing in their correspondence. Of his 
published letters there are two series which cannot be omitted 
from any attempt to represent the Rhodesian ideas. The 
first is the Parnell correspondence of 1888, and the other the 
Schnadhorst correspondence of 1891. These are the only two 
occasions on which Mr. Rhodes took a direct hand in Imperial 
politics outside his own particular sphere. In both he operated 
in the same way, namely, by using his wealth to put a premium 
upon certain policies or orfer a reward for the repudiation of 
certain heresies. It is unnecessary here to go minutely into 
the genesis of the famous donation to the Irish National funds. 
It is well, however, to remember that, like almost every other 
colonist, Mr. Rhodes was a Home Ruler long before the adop- 
tion of Home Rule as the official creed of the Liberal Party. 
From 1882-84 Mr. Rhodes seems to have dallied with the idea 
of standing for a seat in Parliament, nominally as member of 
the Conservative Party, but really as member for South Africa. 
The idea had gained sufficient substance for Sir Charles Warren 
to write to Mr. Rhodes's brother (March 4th, 1884), saying, 
" Your brother has great mental power for organising, and will 
be a most valuable addition to the Conservative ranks." 

In 1885, when Mr. Gladstone had taken the plunge for 
Home Rule, Mr Rhodes seriously contemplated standing for 
Parliament as Liberal candidate for the constituency in which 
the Dalston property of his family was situated. On looking 
at the matter more closely, however, he found that Parlia- 
mentary attendance would be too great a tax upon his time. 
It would be impossible for him to alternate between West- 
minster and South Africa, as in the old days he divided his 
life between Kimberley and Oriel College. He returned to 
Africa, but continued to follow with the keenest interest the 
course of Imperial politics. 


His sympathies being well known, overtures were made to 
him on the part of some sympathisers with the Irish National 
Party as to whether he could not be induced to contribute to 
their funds. Mr. Swift MacNeill was employed as an inter- 
mediary, and the result of the communications was that Mr. 
Rhodes intimated his readiness to subscribe to the Home Rule 
funds on condition that Mr. Parnell assented to the retention 
of the Irish members at Westminster. Mr. Rhodes held that 
Mr. Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill simply proposed to con- 
vert Ireland into a taxed republic, without representation in 
the central governing body of the Empire, thus making Home 
Rule lead direct to disruption, instead of making it a stepping- 
stone to federation. Mr. Rhodes entirely accepted the formula 
so succinctly stated by Lord Rosmead, when he declared that 
" as an Empire we must federate or perish, and the one hope 
of the Empire is that the Irish may compel us to federate, 
even against our will." 

When Mr. Gladstone, therefore, instead of seizing the 
opportunity presented by the concession of Home Rule to 
introduce the principle of federalism of the British Constitu- 
tion, took the fatal and false road of proposing to banish the 
Irish members altogether from the assembly which still retained 
the right of exacting heavy tribute from the Irish taxpayer, 
Mr. Rhodes felt that an important crisis had been reached in 
the history of the Empire. It was necessary for him to act, 
and to act with decision. Mr. Swift MacNeilPs conversations 
had revealed to him the nakedness of the Nationalist treasury. 
He was solicited to subscribe to keep the Home Rule agitation 
going. He saw the situation, and seized it with his characteristic 
promptitude. On his return to England, Mr. Parnell called upon 
Mr. Rhodes at the Westminster Palace Hotel, and a transaction 
took place between them, which Mr. Rhodes always regarded as 
very good business for the Empire. In his belief he succeeded 
in pledging Mr. Parnell to the abandonment of the old disruptive 
idea of the first Gladstonian Home Rule Bill, and his loyal 
acceptance of the principle of federalism. By this arrangement 
Mr. Parnell, instead of accepting the exclusion of Irish members 
from Westminster and the conversion of Ireland into a taxed 
republic, which would be furnished in advance with an excuse 
for revolt by the familiar maxim " taxation without representa- 


tion is tyranny." undertook to accept a Home Rule Bill based 
upon the opposite principle of the retention of Irish members. 
Mr. Rhodes wished the numbers of the Irish to be reduced 
from their present figure of 103 to 34, at any rate unless he was 
guaranteed the full control of the Irish police and judiciary. 
At that ti me he was willing that the question of the reduction 
of the Irish representation at Westminster to the figure corre- 
sponding to the extent of their contribution to Imperial taxation 
should be debated as an open question. He also agreed that 
he would not make any opposition to a clause permitting any 
self-governing colony to send representatives to the House of 
Commons on the basis of the amount of their annual contribu- 
tion to the Imperial exchequer. 

Mr. Parnell himself said he was prepared to accept this 
cheerfully, but when pressed by Mr. Rhodes to move an 
-amendment he demurred on the ground that some of his party 
might object. The deal having thus been arranged in personal 
interview, from which both parties emerged with a profound 
respect for each other, Mr. Rhodes proceeded to embody the 
.substance of their bargain in the following letter * to Mr. 
Parnell : 

Westminster Palace Hotel, 
London, S.W. 

June i gth, 1888. 

Dear Sir, On my way to the Cape last 
autumn I had the opportunity of frequent con- 
versations with Mr. Swift MacNeill upon the 
subject of Home Rule for Ireland. I then told 

* The date of this letter is sufficient to prove the absurdity of 
the popular superstition that Mr. Rhodes bought the support of the 
Irish Party for the Charter by a gift of ,10,000. At that time 
there had been no application for the Charter, and Mr. Rhodes 
had not then obtained the mineral concession from Lobengula 
upon which the application for the Charter was based. Neither 
Mr. Rhodes nor Mr. Parnell alluded to the subject, either in con- 
versation or in writing. The contract between the African and the 
Irishman was strictly limited to the conversion of Home Rule from 
a disruptive to a federative measure. It had no relation directly 
or indirectly to any of Mr. Rhodes's Irish-African schemes. The 
whole story is told at length by " Vindex " in an appendix to " The 
Political Life and Speeches of Mr. Cecil Rhodes," from which I 
quote these letters. 


him that I had long had a sympathy with the 
Irish demand for self-government, but that there 
were certain portions of Mr. Gladstone's Bill 
which appeared open to the gravest objections. 
The exclusion of the Irish members from 
Westminster seemed rightly to be considered, 
both in England and the Colonies, as a step in 
the direction of pure separation ; while the 
tribute clauses were, on the face of them, 
degrading to Ireland by placing it in the position 
of a conquered province, and were opposed to 
the first principles of constitutional government 
by sanctioning taxation without representation. 
It has been frequently stated that the hearty 
acquiescence of the Irish members in these 
proposals gave good grounds for believing that 
they were really working for complete separation 
from England. Mr. MacNeill assured me that 


this was not the case ; that naturally the first 
object of the Irish members was to obtain self- 
government for Ireland ; and that when this, 
their main object, was secured, it did not become 
them to criticise or cavil at the terms of the 
grant made to them. Moreover, he said he 
believed that the Irish members were only too 
anxious to support Irish representation at 
Westminster, should a suitable scheme contain- 
ing the necessary provisions be brought forward. 
Lord Rosebery, in his recent speech at Inverness ', 
has suggested a possible solution. He there pro- 
poses a reduced Irish representation at West- 
minster ; this representation could be based upon 
the amount of tJie Irish contribution to the Imperial 
revenue. A nd though it seems illogical t/iat Irish 
members should vote on English local matters, still, 
taking into consideration the large indirect contribu- 
tion that Ireland would make in connection with 

I 2 


trade and commerce, and that the English people 
are not prepared at present to accept any vital 
change of their Constitution, it would appear more 
workable that this reduced number of Irish members 
should speak and vote even on purely English local 
questions tJian that at doubtful intervals they should 
be called upon to withdraw into an outside lobby. 

With (some sucJi) safeguards and they must 
be effective safeguards for the maintenance of 
Imperial unity I am of the opinion that the 
Home Rule granted should be a reality, and not 
a sham. 

If the Irish are to be conciliated and benefited 
by the grant of self-government, they should be 
trusted, and trusted entirely. Otherwise the 
application of popular institutions to Ireland must 
be deemed impracticable, and the only alternative 
is the administration of the country as a Crown 
colony, which plan in the present state of public 
opinion is totally impossible. 

My experience in the Cape Colony leads me 
to believe that the Ulster question is one which 
would soon settle itself. 

Since the Colonial Office has allowed questions 
at the Cape to be settled by the Cape Parliament, 
not only has the attachment to the Imperial tie 
been immeasurably strengthened, but the Dutch, 
who form the majority of the population, have 
shown a greatly increased consideration for the 
sentiments of the English members of the 

It seems only reasonable to suppose that in 
an Irish Parliament similar consideration would 
be given to the sentiments of that portion of the 
inhabitants which is at present out of sympathy 
with the national movement. 

I will frankly add that my interest in the Irish 

Dr. Jameson and Mr. Boyd. 


question has been heightened by the fact that in 
it I see the possibility of the commencement of 
changes which will eventually mould and weld 
together all parts of the British Empire. 

The English are a conservative people, and 
like to move slowly, and as it were experimentally. 
At present there can be no doubt that the time of 
Parliament is overcrowded with the discussion of 
trivial and local affairs. Imperial matters have 
to stand their chance of a hearing alongside of 
railway and tram bills. Evidently it must be a 
function of modern legislation to delegate an 
enormous number of questions which now occupy 
the time of Parliament, to District Councils or 
local bodies. 

Mr. Chamberlain recognised this fact in his 
Radical programme of 1885, and the need daily 
grows more urgent. Now the removal of Irish 
affairs to an Irish Legislature [Council] would be 
a practical experimental step in the direction of 
lessening the burden upon the central deliberative 
and legislative machine. 

But side by side with the tendency of 
decentralisation for local affairs, there is growing 
up a feeling for the necessity of greater union in 
Imperial matters. The primary tie which binds 
our Empire together is the national one of self- 
defence. The Colonies are already commencing 
to co-operate with and contribute to the mother 
country for this purpose. 

But if they are to contribute permanently and 
beneficially they will have to be represented in 
the Imperial Parliament, where the distribution 
of their contributions must be decided upon. 

I do not think that it can be denied that the 
presence of two or three Australian members in 
the House would in recent years have prevented 


much misunderstanding upon such questions as 
the New Hebrides, New Guinea, and Chinese 
immigration. Now an \reduced~\ Irish representa- 
tion at Westminster (with numbers proportionate 
to Ireland's Imperial contribution} would, without 
making any vital change in the English Constitu- 
tion, furnish a precedent by which the self- 
governing Colonies could from time to time, as 
they expressed a desire to contribute to Imperial 
expenditure, be incorporated with the Imperial 
Legislature. You will perhaps say that I am 
making the Irish question a stalking-horse for a 
scheme of Imperial Federation ; but if so, I am at 
least placing Ireland in the forefront of the battle. 

The question is, moreover, one in which I 
take a deep interest, and I shall be obliged if 
you can tell [assure] me that Mr. MacNeill is 
not mistaken in the impression he conveyed to 
me, and that you and your Party would be 
prepared to give your hearty support and 
approval to a Home Rule Bill containing 
provisions for the continuance of Irish repre- 
sentation at Westminster. Such a declaration 
would afford great satisfaction to myself and 
others, and would enable us to give our full and 
active support to your cause and your Party. 

/ shall be happy to contribute to the ftuids of 
the Party to the extent of ^10,000. / am also, 
under the cimunstances, authorised to offer you 
a further sum of ,1,000 from Mr. John 
Morrogh, an Irish resident at Kimberley, South 
Africa. Yours faithfully, C. J. RHODES. 

NOTE. Tlie portions of this letter printed in italics are the 
omissions made by Par nell from the original draft submitted 
to him. The word " Council" on page 124, in brackets, and the 
word "assure" on page 125, /// bracket 's, were omitted in favour 
of mere verbal alterations. 


To this Mr. Parnell replied as follows : 

House of Commons, 

June 23, '88. 

Dear Sir, I am much obliged to you for your letter of the 
2oth inst, which confirms the very interesting account given 
me at Avondale last January by Mr. Swift MacNeill as to his 
interviews and conversations with you on the subject of Home 
Rule for Ireland. 

I may say at once and frankly that I think you have 
correctly judged the exclusion of the Irish members from 
Westminster to have been a defect in the Home Rule measure 
of 1886, and further, that this proposed exclusion may have 
given some colour to the accusations so freely made against 
the Bill, that it had a separatist tendency. I say this while 
strongly asserting and believing that the measure itself was 
accepted by the Irish people without any afterthought of the 
kind, and with an earnest desire to work it out in the same 
spirit in which it was offered, a spirit of cordial goodwill and 
trust, a desire to let bygones be bygones, and a determination 
to accept it as a final and satisfactory settlement of the long- 
standing dispute and trouble between Great Britain and 

I am very glad to find that you consider the measure of 
Home Rule to be granted to Ireland should be thoroughgoing, 
and should give her complete control over her own affairs 
Avithout reservation, and I cordially agree with your opinion 
that there should be at the same time effective safeguards for 
the maintenance of Imperial unity. Your conclusion as to the 
only alternative for Home Rule is also entirely my own, for I 
have long felt that the continuance of the present semi- 
constitutional system is quite impracticable. 

But to return to the question of the retention of the Irish 
members at Westminster, my own views upon the point, the 
probabilities of the future, and the bearing of this subject upon 
the question of Imperial Federation. My own feeling upon 
the matter is, that if Mr. Gladstone includes in his next Home 
Rule measure provisions for such retention, we should cheer- 
fully concur in them, and accept them with good will and good 
faith, with the intention of taking our share in the Imperial 


Photograph l>y t 

[E. H. Mills. 

Sir Harry Johnston. 


partnership. I believe also that in the event stated this will 
be the case, and that the Irish people will cheerfully accept 
the duties and responsibilities assigned to them, and will justly 
value the position given them in the Imperial system. 

I am convinced that it would be the highest statesmanship 
on Mr. Gladstone's part, to devise a feasible plan for the con- 
tinued presence of the Irish members here, and from my obser- 
vation of public events and opinion since 1885, I am sure that 
Mr. Gladstone is fully alive to the importance of the matter, 
and that there can be no doubt that the next measure of 
autonomy for Ireland will contain the provisions which you 
rightly deem of such moment. It does not come so much 
within my province to express a full opinion upon the question 
of Imperial Federation, but I quite agree with you that the 
continued Irish representation at Westminster will immensely 
facilitate such a step, while the contrary provision in the Bill 
of '86 would have been a bar. Undoubtedly this is a matter 
which should be dealt with in accordance with the opinion of 
the Colonies themselves, and if they should desire to share in 
the cost of Imperial matters, as certainly they now do in the 
responsibility, and should express a wish for representation at 
Westminster, I quite think it should be accorded to them, and 
that public opinion in these islands would unanimously concur 
in the necessary constitutional modifications. I am, dear sir, 

C. J. Rhodes, Esq. 

Mr. Rhodes confirmed the bargain by the following 

Westminster Palace Hotel, London. 

June 24, 1888. 

Dear Mr. Parnell, I have to thank you for 
your letter of the 23rd inst., the contents of which 
have given me great pleasure. 

I feel sure that your cordial approval of the 
retention of Irish representation at Westminster 
will gain you support in many quarters from 
which it has hitherto been withheld. 

As a proof of my deep and sincere interest in 


the question, and as I believe that the action of 
the Irish party on the basis which you have 
stated will lead, not to disintegration, but really 
to a closer union of the Empire, making it an 
Empire in reality, and not in name only, I am 
happy to offer a contribution to the extent of 
j 10,000 to the funds of your party. I am also 
authorised to offer you a further sum of ;i,ooo 
from Mr. John Morrogh, an Irish resident in 
Kimberley, South Africa. Believe me, yours 
faithfully, C. J. RHODES. 

P.S. I herewith enclose a cheque for ,5,000 
as my first instalment. 

A year after this, Mr. Parnell went down to Hawarden to 
settle the details of the next Home Rule Bill with Mr. Glad- 
stone. In the beginning of 1890 he wrote to Mr. Rhodes to 
say that the retention of the Irish Members at Westminster 
had been agreed upon, but that Mr. Gladstone insisted on 
reducing the representation in order to conciliate English 
public opinion. Mr. Rhodes, characteristically enough, had 
lost Mr. Parnell's letter, and the evidence as to its contents is 
a report of Mr. Parnell's speech in 1891. 

When the unfortunate breach between Mr. Pamell and the 
majority of the Irish Party took place at the beginning of 1891, 
Mr. Parneil so far forgot the roU which he had marked out for 
himself as to address to a meeting at Navan a declaration that 
u some day or other, in the long-distant future, someone might 
arise who may have the privilege of addressing you as men of 
Republican Meath." Mr. Rhodes, on seeing a report of this 
speech, at once wrote to expostulate with Mr. Parnell, pointing 
out how inconsistent was this declaration about Republican 
Meath with the loyal maintenance of Imperial unity on a federal 
basis. Instead of resenting being thus recalled to the letter of 
his contract, Mr. Parnell wrote promptly and admitted his mis- 
take. He said he regretted the words he had used ; he had 
gone further than he intended, and, as a matter of fact, the 
words in question were contradicted by other passages of the 
same speech, as, for example, when he said : 4< We are willing 


to show that the existence of Irish autonomy is compatible 
with Imperial prosperity and progress." 

Neither Mr. Rhodes's letter of expostulation nor Mr. 
Parnell's letter of explanation and apology is in existence, 
Mr. Parnell's letter having been burnt in the fire that destroyed 
Groote Schuur. 

The Parnell correspondence proves one thing conclusively, 
if nothing else namely, that the suspicion and distrust excited 
by Mr. Rhodes' contribution to the Irish National Fund was 
absolutely without justification. Nothing could have been 
straighter and more above-board than the bargain between the 
two men, and the aim and object of that deal was not, as 
Mr. Rhodes's assailants pretended and still pretend, to assist 
in a separatist movement intended to break up the Empire ; 
its aim was exactly the reverse namely, to confine the move- 
ment for local self-government in Ireland within the limits of a 
federal system, and make it the stepping-stone to that federa- 
tion which is the condition of the continued existence of our 

Mr. Rhodes's second contribution to British political funds 
took place three years after the subscription to Mr. Parnell. 
The correspondence which took place in 1891 did not appear 
till 1901, when it was extracted from Mr. Rhodes by the extra- 
ordinary blunder of the editor of the Spectator, who, hearing 
from a correspondent signing himself " C. B." that Mr. Rhodes 
had given Mr. Schnadhorst a contribution to the funds of the 
Liberal Party, on condition that its leaders should not urge or 
support our retrogression from Egypt, jumped to the remark- 
able conclusion that this fact explained the greatest of all 
mysteries in regard to Mr. Rhodes, the mystery why the 
Liberals on the South African Committee allowed him to get 
off so very easily. The absurdity of this is apparent from the 
fact that it was not Mr. Rhodes but Mr. Chamberlain who was 
let off easily by the South African Committee, and that the 
Liberals assented to the whitewashing of Mr. Chamberlain on 
condition that they might be allowed to pronounce sentence 
of major excommunication upon Mr. Rhodes. Nevertheless, 
the Spectator, floundering still more hopelessly into the 
morass, declared that if the transactions recorded were 
correct, the Liberal leaders were at the mercy of Mr. Rhodes. 


To this Sir Henry Campbell-Baunerman replied bluntly by 
declaring that the story was from beginning to end a lie. 
Mr. Rhodes then wrote a letter which appeared in the 
Spectator of October 12, 1901 : 

Sir, I have been appealed to upon the 
controversy that has arisen in your paper 
between a correspondent signing himself " C. B.' r 
and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. I may 
say that the letter of "C. B." was written without 
my knowledge or approval, still, as his statement 
has been characterised as "a lie," it is my duty 
to send you the facts. 

I made the acquaintance of Mr. Schnadhorst 
when he was visiting the Cape for his health 
early in 1890. I saw a great deal of him in 
Kimberley, and found that his political thoughts 
were in the direction of what would now be 
called Liberal Imperialism ; and his views as to 
Empire were no doubt enormously strengthened 
by his visit to Africa. 

I told him that my ideas were Liberalism////^ 
Empire, and I added that I thought the Liberal 
party was ruining itself by its Little England 
policy, my thoughts being then on the point of 
their desire to scuttle out of Egypt. 

I subsequently met Mr. Schnadhorst in 
London, and he asked me whether I would be 
willing to subscribe to the party funds. I said I 
was prepared to do so provided that the policy 
was not to scuttle out of Egypt, and that in the 
event of a Home Rule Bill being brought forward 
provision should be made for the retention of 
Irish Members at Westminster, as I considered 
the first Home Rule Bill of Mr. Gladstone's 
simply placed Ireland in a subject position, taxed 
for our Imperial purposes without a voice in the 
expenditure ; and it was hopeless ever to expect 


closer union with the Colonies if a portion of the 
Empire so close as Ireland had been turned into 
a tributary State. 

It is ridiculous to suppose, as I have seen it 
stated, that I thought I should purchase the 
Liberal policy for the sum of ,5,000 or any 
other sum, and any Liberal making such a 
suggestion only insults his own party ; but I 
naturally did not want to help a party into 
power whose first act would be what I most 
objected to namely, the abandonment of 

I understood from Mr. Schnadhorst that he 
would consult Mr. Gladstone, which quite satis- 
fied me, as I looked upon Mr. Gladstone as the 
Liberal party. Mr. Schnadhorst accepted ,5,000 
from myself for party purposes, coupled with the 
conditions defined in letter marked "A." 

Some time after I read a speech of Mr. Glad- 
stone's at Newcastle I think it was at the end 
of 1891 in which he expressed the hope that 
Lord Salisbury would take some step "to relieve 
us from the burdensome and embarrassing occupa- 
tion of Egypt." This naturally surprised me 
after what had passed between Mr. Schnadhorst 
and myself, and I therefore wrote to him letter 
" B," and received in reply letter " C." (You 
will notice that in this letter, referring to my 
subscription, I say : " As you are aware, the 
question of Egypt was the only condition I 
made." I was only writing at sea from memory, 
but I knew the fear of losing Egypt, to which I 
referred in the postscript to my letter addressed 
to Mr. Schnadhorst marked "A," had been the 
paramount thought in my mind.) I took no more 
trouble in the matter, as soon after I arrived 
in Africa Lord Rosebery joined the Ministry 


Mr. Gladstone was forming, and I knew that 
Egypt was saved 

The correspondence speaks for itself, and I 
leave your readers to decide how far Sir Henry 
Campbell- Bannerman was justified in character- 
ising the statement of " C. B." as being "from 
beginning to end a lie." 

According to their statement, neither Sir 
Henry Campbell-Bannerman nor Sir William 
Harcourt was acquainted with the facts ; but I 
naturally assumed Mr. Schnadhorst to be speak- 
ing with authority. I am, sir, etc., 



Monday, February 23, 1891. 

My dear Schnadhorst, I enclose you a 
cheque for , 5,000, and I hope you will, with 
the extreme caution that is necessary, help in 
guiding your party to consider politics other than 

I do not think your visit to Kimberley did 
you harm, either physically or politically, and I 
.am glad to send you the contribution I promised. 
The future of England must be Liberal, perhaps, 
to fight Socialism. I make but two conditions ; 
please honourably observe them (i) that my 
contribution is secret (if, of course, you feel in 
honour bound to tell Mr. Gladstone, you can do 
so, but no one else, and he must treat it as 
confidential) ; (2) if the exigencies of party 
necessitate a Home Rule Bill without represen- 
tation at Westminster, your Association must 
return my cheque. Yours, 

(Signed) C. J. RHODES. 

P.S. I am horrified by Morley's speech on 


Egypt. If you think your party hopeless keep 
the money, but give it to some chanty you 
approve of. It would be an awful thing to give 
my money to breaking up the Empire. 

On board the Dunottar, April 25, 1892. 

My dear Schnadhorst, I am sorry to have 
missed you, but glad to hear that you are so 
much better, though it robs one of the chance of 
seeing you again in South Africa. 

I gather in England that your party is almost 
certain to come in, though there may be subse- 
quent difficulty as to the shape of the Home Rule 

The matter that is troubling me most is your 
policy as to Egypt. I was horrified when I 
returned from Mashonaland to read a speech of 
Mr. Gladstone's evidently foreshadowing a scuttle 
if he came in. I could hardly believe it to be 
true, and sat down to write to you, but thought 
it better to wait and see you. I have now 
missed you, so must trust to writing. I do 
hope you will do your best to check him from 
the mad step, which must bring ruin and 
misery on the whole of Egypt, whilst our 
retirement will undoubtedly bring it under the 
influence of one or other of the foreign Powers, 
which of course by reciprocal treaties will 
eventually manage the exclusion of our trade. 
However, if your respected leader remains 
obdurate when he comes into power, and adopts 
this policy of scuttle, I shall certainly call upon 
you to devote my subscription to some public 
charity in terms of my letter to you, as I certainly, 
though a Liberal, did not subscribe to your party 
to assist in the one thing that I hate above 


everything, namely, the policy of disentegrating 
and breaking up our Empire. 

As you are aware, the question of Egypt was 
the only condition I made, and it seems rather 
extraordinary to me that the first public speech 
your leader should make which sketches gener- 
ally his views upon the near approach of office- 
should declare a policy of abandonment. 

I asked you at the time I wrote to see him 
and tell him of my action, and I suppose you 
must have mentioned the Egyptian question, 
which was really all I cared about. 

We are now one-third of the way with a 
telegraph through the continent from the South, 
only to hear of your policy of scuttle from the 
North. (Signed) C. J. RHODES. 

P.S. I have to send this to be posted in 
England, as I have forgotten your direction. 

The postscript explains how it was that this letter came into 
my possession. It was sent to me to be copied, and forwarded 
to Mr. Schnadhorst. In reporting the receipt of the letter to 
Mr. Rhodes I wrote as follows : 

"May i6th, 1892. 

" Dear Mr. Rhodes, Received your letter for Schnadhorst, 
and duly forwarded it to him. I think the fault lies with 
Mr. Schnadhorst, not with Mr. Gladstone. I was writing to 
Mr. Gladstone about something else, and incidentally mentioned 
that you were very indignant with several speeches about Egypt, 
whereupon Mr. Gladstone wrote asking what were those speeches 
to which Mr. Rhodes took exception, as he had not the plea- 
sure of knowing what Mr. Rhodes's views were concerning 
Egypt. From this I infer that Mr. Schnadhorst has never 
informed Mr. Gladstone of anything that you said to him, in 
which case he deserves the bad quarter of an hour he will 
have after receiving your letter. I saw Mr. Balfour the other 
day, who said he did not think the difficulty was with Mr. 
Gladstone, but rather with Sir William Harcourt, who believed 



in the curtailment of the British Empire, if he believed in 
nothing else. Balfour was very sorry that he had not a chance 
of meeting you when you were here, as he had looked forward 
to your coming in the hope of making your acquaintance. 
I am, yours very truly, " (Signed) W. T. STEAD." 

The following is Mr. Schnadhorst's reply : 


National Liberal Federation, 
42, Parliament Street, S.W. 

June 4th, 1892. 

My dear Rhodes, I regret very much I did not see you 
when you were here, as your letter places me in a position of 
extreme perplexity. Your donation was given with two con- 
ditions, both of which will be observed, but in a postscript you 
referred to John Morley's speech on Egypt in the sense in 
which you have written about Mr. Gladstone's reference to the 
same subject. It is eighteen months ago since I saw you, 
when you referred to the subject in conversation, and I told 
you then, as I think now, that J. M.'s speech was very unwise, 
and that it did not represent the policy of the party. The 
General Election has been coming near, and is now close 
at hand. Your gift was intended to help in the Home Rule 
struggle. It could do so only by being used before the 
election. Being satisfied that I could observe your con- 
ditions, and that J. M.'s speech was simply the expression 
of an individual opinion, I felt at liberty to pledge 
your funds for various purposes in connection with the 
election. This was done to a large extent before Mr. G. 
spoke at Newcastle. I am bound to say that in my view his 
reference to Egypt was no more than an expression of a pious 
opinion. It did not alter my feelings that a Liberal Govern- 
ment would not attempt withdrawal. Sir W. Harcourt was 
annoyed at Mr. G.'s reference at the time, and since I heard 
from you I have seen Lord Rosebery, who will become Foreign 
Minister, and who I am satisfied from what he said to me would 
not sanction such a policy. Mr. Gladstone, I expect, had been 
worked on by a few individuals, possibly by J. M. alone ; but 
in my opinion it would be simply madness for him to add to 


the enormous difficulties with which he will have to deal by 
risking complications on such a subject. There is no danger ; 
besides, the next Liberal Foreign Secretary will be a strong 
man who will take his own course, very different from the pliant 
and supple Granville. Of course, I may be wrong; time 
alone can show; but if I waited for that the purpose for 
which I asked your help, and for which you gave it, would go 

You will see what a precious fix you have put me in. I 
will not make any further promises until I hear from you. 
With all good wishes, I am, faithfully yours, 

"(Signed) F. SCHNADHORST." 

It would seem from this correspondence that there is not a 
shadow or tittle of reason for attributing to Mr. Rhodes or to 
the Liberal leaders any corrupt contract, much less that there 
was any subscription to the party fund which would justify the 
monstrous assertion of the Spectator that the acceptance of this 
subscription, of the existence of which probably Mr. Gladstone 
was unaware, in any way influenced either the policy of the 
Government about Egypt or the action of the Liberal leaders 
on the South African Committee. 

The attempt that was made in some quarters to represent 
Mr. Rhodes as dictating the policy of the Imperial Government 
by a subscription of ^5,000 to an election fund is too puerile 
to be discussed. All that Mr. Rhodes did was to take the 
course which is almost invariably taken by any person who 
is asked to subscribe to a campaign fund. There is hardly 
anything subscribed to the election expenses of a candidate on 
either side which is not accompanied by a publicly and privately 
expressed opinion as to the political cause which it is hoped the 
candidate will support. Subscriptions are constantly given or 
refused every year because the donor agrees with or dissents 
from some particular article in the programme of the candidate 
he is asked to support. It is a curious thing that a great 
part of the outcry against Mr. Rhodes's subscription to the 
Liberal Party arises from those who, when Mr. Gladstone went 
off to the Home Rule cause, transferred their subscriptions 
from the Liberal to the Unionist exchequer. The use of 
electoral subscriptions as a means of promoting political ideas 

K 2 



may be as objectionable as some critics maintain, but it does 
not lie in the mouths of those who remorselessly used the 
advantages of superior wealth in order to penalise the adoption 
of a policy of justice to Ireland, to throw stones at Mr. Rhodes. 
Mr. Rhodes in 1885 wrote a letter of such phenomenal 
length that it filled a whole sheet of the Times, but as it related 
chiefly to the controversy as to the best way of administering 
Bechuanaland, and was the product of the combined wits of 
Mr. Maguire and himself, it is not necessary to quote it 

A Portrait of Mr. Rhodes taken in the Matoppos, 1899. 



MR. RHODES'S speeches between 1881 and 1899 were col- 
lected and published in 1900 (publishers, Chapman and Hall). 
Whether the publication of Mr. Rhodes's speeches will tend 
to vindicate his reputation -as the publication of Oliver 
Cromwell's speeches tended to justify the favourable verdict of 
Mr. Carlyle remains to be seen. Here, at least, we have 
material for judgment. In this book, the painstaking research 
of a chronicler who preferred to veil his identity behind the 
pseudonym of " Vindex," are collected all the public speeches 
of Mr. Rhodes which have ever been reported since he entered 
public life in the Cape in 1881, down to his famous speech at 
Kimberley immediately after the relief of the beleaguered city. 

These speeches, however, we are given to understand, 
have neither been bowdlerised nor edited, excepting so far as is 
necessary to correct the somewhat slipshod grammar of 
Colonial reporters, excusable enough when grappling with the 
ill-hewn sentences of a man who thinks as he is speaking. 
Mr. Rhodes, however, had no reason to fear being tried by 
this ordeal. He does not emerge an immaculate saint, carved 
in the whitest of Parian marble. He is revealed not as an 
archangel of radiant stainless purity, but neither was he a 
cloven-footed devil. Judging him by his stature in influence, 
in authority and in driving force, he belonged to the order of 
archangels ; but he was a grey archangel, with a crippled wing, 
which caused him to pursue a somewhat devious course in the 
midst of the storm-winds of race-passion and political intrigue. 
A grey archangel crossed with a Jesuit, who was so devoted 
to his ends that almost all means were to him indifferent, 
excepting in so far as they helped him to attain his goal that 
is the man who is revealed to us in these speeches. 

Mr. Rhodes did not execute so many curves in his political 
career as did Mr. Gladstone. His course, with one great and 
lamentable exception, was characterised by an unswerving 
adhesion to one political line ; but throughout the whole of his 
life there was manifest the same steady purpose, to which he 


was true in good report and in ill. He tacked hither and 
thither, steering now to the north and now to the south ; but 
he ever kept his goal in view. He did not navigate these 
crowded sea,s without a compass and chart. Short-sighted 
mortals, who have no other mete-wand by which to test the 
consistency of statesmen than their fidelity to the ephemeral 
combinations of parties, were bewildered and declared that there 
was no knowing what this man was after. But by those who 
watched his course afar off it was seen that his apparent 
divagations from the direct course were only those of the 
mariner whom long experience has taught that against an 
adverse wind the shortest way to your port is often the longest 
way about. Mr. Rhodes himself always maintained to those 
who knew him intimately and who could enter into his higher 
thoughts, that he had one object namely, to promote by all 
the means in his power the union, the development, the 
extension of the English-speaking race. Empire with Mr. 
Rhodes meant many things, chiefly the maintenance of the 
union between the widely scattered communities which owe 
allegiance to the British Crown; secondly, the established 
authority of this race peaceful, industrious and free over 
the dark-skinned myriads of Africa and Asia ; thirdly, the 
maintenance of an open door for the products of British 
manufactures to all the markets of the world. 

These were Mr. Rhodes's political objects. To attain these 
ends he devoted his life and dedicated the whole of his 
money, the acquisition of which some erroneously imaginecf'to 
be the great object of his life. To achieve these ends he 
worked first with one set of men and then with another ; but 
on the whole it will be found by reference to the speeches that 
for the most part he stood in with the Dutch. 

Without further preface I will proceed to examine the 
book, and quote from the 912 pages of the speeches here 
collected some short and pithy extracts. It is impossible to 
read Mr. Rhodes's speeches without feeling that " Vindex " 
had good reason for the faith that was within him. I always 
thought a great deal of Mr. Rhodes, but the perusal of these 
speeches led me to feel that I had never done justice to many 
sides of his singularly attractive character. 

Take, for instance, the fascination which he undoubtedly 


*4LJ. ta 

Photograph by S. B. Barnard, \ 

A Characteristic Portrait. 

\Cape Town* 


exercised over General Gordon. Everyone knows that Gordon 
wished Mr. Rhodes to go with him to Khartoum on the famous 
mission which had so tragic a termination, but I was not aware 
until I found it in this book how insistent Gordon had been to 
secure Mr. Rhodes's assistance in tne pacification of Basutoland. 

It was in the year 1882 that Gordon and Rhodes met. 
" Vindex" says that they were both deeply interested in the 
Basuto question. They used to take long walks together and 
discuss Imperial and other questions, with the result of vigorous 
argument between them. They became such close friends 
that when Rhodes was starting for Kimberley, Gordon pressed 
him hard to stay and work with him in Basutoland. Rhodes 
refused on the ground that he had already mapped out his life's 
work, which lay elsewhere. Gordon would take no denial for 
a long time, and when forced to give in at last, said, " There 
are very few men in the world to whom I would make such 
an offer, but of course you will have your own way." " You 
always contradict me," Gordon said to Rhodes, " you always 
think you are right and every one else wrong," a formula 
which Rhodes, no doubt, would have applied with equal justice 
to Gordon himself. The closeness of the tie which bound 
together the two men was natural enough. Both were idealists 
whose thoughts ran on the same lines in many things, the chief 
difference being not as to aims but as to the practical methods 
for realising them. This is well illustrated by*Rhodes's well- 
known observation when Gordon told him that he had refused 
a roomful of gold offered him by the Chinese Government as a 
reward for suppressing the Taeping rebellion. " I would have 
taken it," said Rhodes, " and as many roomfuls as they would 
have given me. It is of no use to have big ideas if you have 
not the cash to carry them out." 

That Rhodes had big ideas no person who reads this col 
lection of speeches will doubt. One of the earliest speeches in 
" Vindex's " collection was that which he delivered in July, 
1883, on the Basutoland Annexation Bill. It was a veritable 
Confession of Faith, the declaration of political convictions 
from which Mr. Rhodes never varied. 

" I have my own views as to the future of 
South Africa, and I believe in an United States 


of South Africa, but as a portion of the British 
Empire. I believe that confederated states in a 
colony under responsible government would each 
be practically an independent republic ; but I 
think we should have all the privileges of the tie 
with the Empire. Possibly there is not a very 
great divergence between myself and the honour- 
able member for Stellenbosch, excepting always 
the question of the flag." 

The honourable member for Stellenbosch was Mr. Hofmeyr, 
who was reported to have said that he was in favour of the 
United States of South Africa under its own flag. 

It is very interesting to see this difference on the flag crop- 
ping up as long ago as 1 883. Mr. Rhodes was always a fanatic 
on the subject of the British flag. Speaking at Bloemfontein 
in 1890, Mr. Rhodes is reported as having said that he felt 
admiration for the sentiment regarding the possession of a 
national flag, and he looked forward to equitable understandings 
which, while not sacrificing sentiment, would bring about a 
practical union in South Africa. What he meant by this is 
quite clear, and would have been clearer had " Vindex " 
reported his speech in full. Mr. Rhodes was in favour of 
allowing the republics to retain their own flags when they came 
into the Confederation, and he angrily reproved those who 
wished to take away the republican flags from South Africa. 
Devotion to his own flag enabled him to sympathise with the 
sentiment of the Dutch. At Kimberley, in 1890, he said that 
he deprecated any attempt to force a union of South Africa 
under the same flag. He said : - 

" I know myself that I am not prepared to 
forfeit at any time my own flag. I repeat I am 
not prepared at any time to forfeit my own flag. 
If I forfeit my flag what have I left ? If you take 
away my flag you take away everything. Holding 
this view I cannot but feel the same respect for 
the neighbouring states where men have been 
born under republican institutions and with 
republican feelings." 


Therein Mr. Rhodes laid his finger upon the great secret of 
his success that which differentiated him from the ruck of the 
people by whom he was surrounded. He had not only 
imagination, but he had sympathy. 

It would be difficult to find any speeches so instinct with 
the spirit of true Colonial self-government, and the assertion of 
the fundamental principles which military Imperialism tramples 
under foot, than those which meet us on almost every page of 
this book. One of the best speeches which Mr. Rhodes ever 
delivered was that which he addressed to the Congress of the 
Afrikander Bond in 1891. We are told constantly that the 
Afrikander Bond is a treasonable association. 

But in 1891 Mr. Rhodes stood up to propose the toast of 
the Afrikander Bond. He had just returned from England, 
where he had received, as he said, " the highest consideration 
from the politicians of England," and Her Majesty had invited 
him to dine with her. Fresh from these tokens of confidence 
at Downing Street and at Windsor, he hastened to Africa to 
propose the toast of the Afrikander Bond, and to declare 
that he 

"felt most completely and entirely that the object 
and aspirations of the Afrikander Bond were in 
complete touch and concert with a fervent loyalty 
to Her Majesty the Queen." " I come here," 
said Mr. Rhodes, " because I wish to show that 
there is no antagonism between the aspirations 
of the people of this country and of their kindred 
in the mother country. But," Mr. Rhodes added 
significantly, " provided always that the Old 
Country recognises that the whole idea of the 
colonies and of the colonial people is that the 
principle of self-government must be preserved to 
the full, and that the capacity of the colony must 
be admitted to deal with every internal matter 
that may arise in this country. The principle 
must be recognised in the Old Country that the 
people born and bred in this colony, and descended 
from those who existed in this country many 


generations ago, are much better capable of 
dealing with the various matters that arise than 
people who have to dictate some thousands of 
miles away. Now that is the people of the 
Afrikander Bond. I look upon that party as 
representing the people of that country." He 
declared that " the future rested with the 
Afrikander Bond. Your ideas are the same as 

While always professing his full loyalty and devotion to the 
mother country, he asserted that self-government would give 
them everything they wanted. 

" Let us accept jointly the idea that the most 
complete internal self-government is what we are 
both aiming at. That self-government means 
that every question in connection with this country 
we shall decide, and we alone. The we are the 
white .men in South Africa Dutch and English." 

Between the two Mr. Rhodes kept the balance even. 
Speaking at the Paarl about the same time, he declared that 
he hardly knew which to choose between, the Dutch and the 
English, as the dominant race in the world. 

" You have only got to read history to know 
that if ever there was a proud, rude man, it was 
an Englishman the only man to cope with him 
was a Dutchman." 

The impression left upon the mind by the reading of these 
earlier speeches of Mr. Rhodes is that, while devoted to the 
British Empire and true to the principle of the Empire, he was 
nevertheless primarily a Cape Colonist. We have here nothing 
concerning the paramountcy of Downing Street, or even of the 
supremacy of the Empire. What he struggled for was the para- 
mountcy of Cape Colony. The Cape was to be the dominant 
power in South Africa. The Northern extension of Bechuana- 
land was to be made for the Cape, and the Cape was then, as 


Photograph by] 

[E. H. Mills. 

Dr. F. Rutherfoord Harris. 


it is now, and will probably always remain, the colony in which 
the majority of the people speak Dutch. No person ever 
rebuked more vehemently in advance the attempts of the 
military coercionists to discriminate against the Dutch in 
favour of the British. Mr. Rhodes, by all his antecedents, 
by force of instinct, strengthened by the deepest political 
conviction, would have been driven had he lived to come to 
the front and defend the Dutch of South Africa against the 
" loyalists " who clamour for disfranchisement and persecution 
of the Dutch as the condition of the settlement of South 

We had the same kind of thing in 1884, when, after the 
Warren expedition, it was reported that Sir Charles Warren 
had drawn up a scheme which contained a provision that no 
Dutchman need apply for land in the newly-acquired territory. 
Upon this Mr. Rhodes said : 

" I think all would recognise that I am an 
Englishman, and one of my strongest feelings is 
loyalty to my own country. If the report of such 
a condition in the settlement by Sir Charles 
Warren is correct, that no man of Dutch descent 
is to have a farm, it would be better for the 
English colonists to retire. I remember, when a 
youngster, reading in my English history of the 
supremacy of my country and its annexations, 
and that there were two cardinal axioms that 
the word of the nation when once pledged was 
never broken, and that when a man accepted the 
citizenship of the British Empire there was no 
distinction between races. It has been my 
misfortune in one year to meet with the breach of 
one and the proposed breach of the other. The 
result will be that when the troops are gone we 
shall have to deal with sullen feeling, discontent, 
and hostility. The proposed settlement of 
Bechuanaland is based on the exclusion of 
colonists of Dutch descent. I raise my voice in 
most solemn protest against such a course, and it 


is the duty of every Englishman in the House to 
record his solemn protest against it. In conclu- 
sion, I wish to say that the breach of solemn 
pledges and the introduction of race distinctions 
must result in bringing calamity on this country ; 
and if such a policy is pursued it will endanger 
the whole of our social relationships with colonists 
of Dutch descent, and endanger the supremacy 
of Her Majesty in this country." 

No one could have denounced more vehemently than Mr. 
Rhodes the suggestion that a Crown Colony of any kind should 
be established under Downing Street in the heart of South 

" I have held," he said, "to one view. That 
is the government of South Africa by the people 
of South Africa whilst keeping the Imperial tie 
of self-defence." 

While he would not object to allow the Imperial Government 
a temporary responsibility during a period of transition, he 

" I do object most distinctly to the formation 
of a separate British colony inHhe interior of 
South Africa on the Zambesi apart from the 
Colony of the Cape of Good Hope." 

If he felt that as far away as the Zambesi is, how much more 
strongly would he have felt it just across the Vaal and the 
Orange River ! 

Incidentally also note that Mr. Rhodes strongly supported 
the Dutch policy of dealing with the natives as opposed to 
the policy of Exeter Hall and the missionaries. He main- 
tained that the Dutch treated the natives very well. His own 
native policy, which is practically accepted to-day by nearly 
every white man in South Africa, was stated by him in 1888 
as follows : 

" Well, I have made up my mind that there 
must be class legislation, that there must be Pass 


Laws and Peace Preservation Acts, and that we 
have got to treat natives, where they are in a 
state of barbarism, in a different way to ourselves. 
We are to be lords over them. These are my 
politics on native affairs, and these are the politics 
of South Africa. Treat the natives as a subject 
people as long as they continue in a state of 
barbarism and communal tenure ; be the lords 
over them, and let them be a subject race and 
keep the liquor from them." 

Viewed in the light of these extracts, we can see what 
would have been the line which Mr. Rhodes would have taken 
in the immediate future of South Africa. First and foremost, 
Mr. Rhodes would have stood by the flag. He would never 
be the George Washington of a revolted South Africa unless, 
of course, Downing Street should try to play the part of 
George III. Secondly, he would of necessity have become 
the centre round which would have gravitated all the forces 
making for self-government and colonial independence. He 
was the natural leader of the protest against that militarism 
which cost us the Transvaal in 1 880-81, and which will 
inevitably produce the same results if it is allowed to place 
South Africa under the rule of the soldier's jack-boot. Thirdly, 
Mr. Rhodes would have undertaken the championship of the 
Dutch against the dominant party which wished to put them 
under the harrow. 

Extracts give an imperfect idea of Mr. Rhodes's 
speeches. I quote therefore one speech in full. It was that 
which he delivered when he was at the zenith of his fame at 
the beginning of the year which was to close so disastrously 
with the Jameson Raid. The speech is that which he addressed 
to the shareholders of the Chartered Company on January i8th, 
1895. It is also interesting as containing a very full descrip- 
tion of the condition of things in Rhodesia at that time. 

"Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I have to 
thank you for the reception which you have 
accorded to me, but I think that you naturally 


desire that we should deal with the practical part 
of the Company's development in Matabeleland 
and Mashonaland, because you must remember 
that the English are a very practical people. 
They like expansion, but they like it in connection 
with practical business. I will not refer to the 
causes that led to our late war, but I may tell you 
very frankly that we either had to have that war 
or to leave the country. I do not blame the 
Matabele. Their system was a military system ; 
once a year they raided the surrounding people, 
and such a system was impossible for our develop- 
ment. Conclusions were tried, and they came to 
a successful issue so far as we were concerned. I 
might make one remark with respect to that war ; 
that to refer to the men who took part in it as 
political adventurers was a mistake. You can 
quite understand that, however bad times were, 
you would not risk your life unless there was 
something other than profit from the possible 
chance of obtaining a farm at the end of the war 
of the value now of about ^50. Really, why the 
people volunteered so readily was that they had 
adopted this new country as their home, and they 
saw very clearly that unless they tried issues with 
the Matabele, they would have to leave the 
country. I think that is the best reply to the 
charge that the men who took a part in the war 
did it for the sake of loot and profit. 

" Now, in looking at this question, we have to 
consider what we possess, and I can tell you that 
we possess a very large piece of the world. If 
you will look at the map, let us consider what we 
have north of the Zambesi. We have now taken 
over the administration of the land north of the 
Zambesi save and except the Nyassaland 
Protectorate. We have also received sanction 


for all our concessions there ; that is, the land 
and minerals north of the Zambesi belong to the 
Chartered Company, with one exception, the 
small piece termed the Nyassaland Protectorate. 
Even in that, however, we have considerable 
rights as to the minerals and land, in return for 
the property we took over from a Scotch com- 
pany called the Lakes Company. We have, 
however, been relieved from the cost of adminis- 
tration of the Nyassaland Protectorate. Her 
Majesty's Government and the British people 
have at last felt it their duty to pay for the 
administration of one of their own provinces, and 
I think we have a very fair reply to the Little 
Englanders, who are always charging us with 
increasing the responsibilities of Her Majesty's 
Government, and stating that the ' Charters,' 
when in difficulty, always appeal to the mother 
country. Our reply must be that the boot is on 
the other leg. For four years we have found the 
cost of administration of one of your own provinces, 
and we are proud to think that we have yearly 
paid into Her Majesty's Treasury a sum for the 
administration of one of our own provinces, 
because Governments were unable to face the 
House of Commons to ask them to contribute to 
their obligations. 

" Well, that is the position north of the 
Zambesi ; and I may say, in reference to that 
part of our territory, that there are very promising 
reports from it. It is a high plateau, fully 
mineralised, and every report shows that the high 
plateau is a part where Europeans can live. If 
we pass from that to the South, we first come to 
Matabeleland and Mashonaland. There we have 
had great difficulties in the past. We had a 
Charter, but not a country. We had first to go 


in and occupy Mashonaland with the consent of 
the Mashonas, and then we had to deal with the 
Matabele. At the present moment there is a 
civilised government over the whole of that. 
We also possess the land and minerals, and from 
a sentimental point of view I will say this that 
I visited the territory the other day and saw 
nearly all the chiefs of the Matabele, and I may 
say that they were all pleased, and naturally so. 
In the past they had always " walked delicately," 
because any one who got to any position in the 
country and became rich was generally "smelt 
out," and lost his life. You can understand that 
life was not very pleasant under such conditions. 
In so far as the bulk of the people were concerned 
they were not allowed to hold any cattle or 
possess anything of their own. Now they can 
hold cattle, and the leaders of the people know 
that they do not walk daily with the fear of death 
over them, We have now occupied the country, 
which I think we administer fairly, and in that 
territory also we possess the land and minerals. 

" With regard to the South, in the country 
termed the Bechuanaland Protectorate, we pos- 
sess all the mineral rights of Khamaland, and we 
have the negative right to the land and minerals 
as far south as Mafeking. What I mean by the 
negative right is, that from Mafeking throughout 
the whole Protectorate, since the grant of the 
Charter, no one has any right to obtain any 
concession from the natives except through the 
Chartered Company. We therefore possess the 
land, minerals, and territory from Mafeking to 
Tanganyika that is, twelve hundred miles long 
and five hundred broad. I might say, with 
respect to that country, that I see no future 
difficulties in so far as risings of the natives are 


concerned. We have satisfied the people 
throughout the whole of it, and we may say 
that we have now come to that point when we 
can deal, without the risk of war, with the 
peaceful development of the country. That is 
what we possess. 

" Now, you might very fairly ask what has it 
cost us. Your position is somewhat as follows : 
You have a share capital of ,2,000,000, and you 
have a debenture debt to-day of about ,650,000 ; 
and I might point out to you that as against that 
debenture debt you have paid for the one 
hundred miles of railway in the Crown Colony of 
Bechuanaland, you have about fourteen hundred 
miles of telegraph, you have built magistrates' 
courts in the whole of your territory, you have 
civilised towns in five or six different parts, and 
the Beira Railway. Although you do not hold 
their debentures, you have the voting power, and 
the railway is completed. We might now fairly 
say, if you put aside the Mafeking Railway and 
the land you hold in the Crown Colony of Bechu- 
analand, as apart from the chartered territories, 
that your debenture debt can be regarded as about 
,350,000 ; because I do not think it is an unfair 
price to put in your assets in Bechuanaland at 
,300,000, for, since the railway was opened there, 
it has paid its working expenses and four per cent. 
Therefore, in looking at the matter from a purely 
commercial point of view, you might say, we 
possess a country with all the rights to it, in length 
twelve hundred miles and in breadth an average 
of five hundred, and we have a debt of about 
,300,000 or ,350,000, because we have an asset 
apart from that country in the Crown Colony of 
British Bechuanaland of about ,300,000. 

"The next question you would naturally ask 

L 2 


would be, what is the appreciation of the people 
as to that country ? The only test you can take 
in a way is, apart from the very large sum put 
into mineral developments, what the people con- 
sider the value of the townships sold, because that 
is always the judgment of the individual. He 
buys a stand because he wishes to erect a store 
or building. You cannot term that the specula- 
tive action of syndicates. I may tell you that at 
the last stand sale in Bulawayo the purchases were 
made by people who have since erected stores and 
buildings with the intention of remaining and re- 
siding in the country. As you are aware, the sales 
there realised ,53,000, and I received in connec- 
tion with this matter an interesting telegram last 
night A stand which fetched at our sale ,160 
was sold I suppose yesterday or the day before, 
because we are now in complete communication 
by the telegraph for ,3,050. The value of the 
building on it is estimated at ,1,000, so within 
six months, in the estimation of the purchaser, the 
stand has risen from ,160 to ,2,050, in so far as 
the ground value is concerned. That speaks more 
than words, and shows the confidence of the 
people in the country. 

"The next risk with a commercial company 
like ours would be the question of the cost of 
administration. You might very fairly say, ' We 
know that the future is all right. We feel that 
so huge a country, mineralised like that, must 
come out successfully ; but what is the cost of 
administration, what is the difference between 
revenue and expenditure ? ' That is the next 
question which business men would ask. In 
connection with that you will no doubt have 
examined the reports, but it is always very 
difficult to obtain a practical idea from a report. 


respecting a question like this. I can, however, 
tell you from my knowledge about the position. 
The revenue now is about .50,000 per annum 
from the country, and the expenditure is about 
.70,000. You must, however, remember that 1 
do not include in the revenue of 50,000 the 
sale of stands, because I call that capital account. 
I mean by revenue, what you receive monthly 
from stamps, licences, and the ordinary sources of 
revenue which every country possesses. I am 
therefore justified in thinking that we need feel 
no alarm as to the future about balancing our 
expenditure with our revenue, because I would 
point out to you, that if with no claim licences 
because we are deriving few or none now with 
no customs, and practically with no hut tax at 
present, you almost balance now, I think we may 
fairly say that we shall balance in the future, and 
earn a sum with which to pay interest on our 
debentures. I do not think that is an excessive 
proposition to make, and you must remember that 
this expenditure covers a force of over two 
hundred police. Two years ago, when I toM 
you we were balancing in Mashonaland, we had 
practically dismissed all our police, as we could 
not afford them, but the new position is that with 
an expenditure of 70,000 and a revenue of 
.50,000, we are paying for two hundred police, 
and really we do not want more expenditure. 
We have magistrates in every town, mining 
commissioners, and a complete system of govern- 
ment. We have a Council, an Administrator, a 
Judge, and a Legal Adviser. I cannot therefore 
see that we want any more heavy expenditure, 
and that is why I have not asked for any increase 
of capital. 

" From a commercial point of view, the way I 

Photograph />y] 

\E. II. Mills 

Mr. Hays Hammond. 


look at it is somewhat as follows : We have a 
capital of ,2,000,000 in shares, let that be our 
capital ; we have our debentures, as to half of 
which we have a liquid asset in the Crown Colony 
of British Bechuanaland. What future extra 
expenditure can there be ? There can be no more 
wars, for there are no more people to make the 
wars. As to public buildings, in each of our 
towns we have most excellent public buildings, 
quite equal to the ordinary buildings in Cape 
Colony ; I speak of Bulawayo, Salisbury, Umtali, 
and Victoria. As to telegraphs, every town in 
the country is connected with the telegraph except- 
ing Umtali. As to railway communication, we 
have given railway communication in the east from 
Beira to Chimoio, through the 'fly,' and one of 
the richest portions of the country is only seventy- 
five miles from the terminus. We have extended 
the Vryburg Railway to Mafeking that is five 
hundred miles from Bulawayo. If the country 
warrants further railway communications the 
money can be found apart from the Charter. 
If the country does not warrant any further 
railway extensions, then we had better not build 
it. The people must be satisfied as we were in 
the past at Kimberley. For years we had to 
go six hundred miles by waggon to Kimberley, 
and then we went five hundred miles, and later 
four hundred miles by the same means, although 
the yearly exports were between ,2,000,000 and 
,3,000,000. When Kimberley justified a rail- 
way, a railway was made, and so it will be in 
this case. We have maintained our position. 
We have a complete administration, and we 
have railway facilities which will allow batteries 
to be sent in. I do not see, therefore, where 
more public expenditure is required. The 


extension of railways will be undertaken when 
the country warrants it, apart from the Charter. 
When, therefore, I came home, and was spoken 
to about the question of an increase of capital, 
I, after a careful consideration, thought it would 
be an unwise thing to submit to the share- 
holders. We are practically paying our way, 
and we shall keep our Chartered capital at 
,2,000,000 ; and I cannot see in the future 
any reason which would cause us to increase it. 
If the country is a failure, we had better not 
increase it ; and if the country is a success, it will 
not be wanted. 

" Now, we have dealt with the question of 
what we possess, what it has cost us, and our 
present financial position, and you might next 
very fairly say, What are the prospects ? Well, 
looking at that question, I can only say that I 
have been through the country, and from an 
agricultural point of view I know it is a place 
where white people are going to settle. It is 
good agricultural country. As to climate, it is 
asked by some whether it is not a fever country. 
It is nothing of the kind. It is a high healthy 
plateau, and I would as soon live there as in any 
part of South Africa. Towards the Portuguese 
territory and in some parts of the low country 
the climate is unhealthy, and the same applies to 
the country just on the Zambesi ; the high 
plateau, however, is perfectly healthy. You may 
therefore say that you have a country where 
white people can live and be born and brought 
up, and it is suitable for agriculture ; but of 
course the main point we must look to, in so far 
as a return to our shareholders is concerned, is 
the question of the mineralisation of the country. 
I have said once before that out of licences and 


the usual sources of revenue for a Government 
you cannot expect to pay dividends. The people 
would get annoyed if you did ; they do not like 
to see licences spent in dividends those are 
assets which are to pay for any public works and 
for good government. We must therefore look 
to our minerals to give us a return on our capital, 
which you must remember is ,2,000,000. 

" In dealing with that question, I will ask, 
\Yhat have you got ? You possess a country about 
one thousand two hundred miles by five hundred 
which is mineralised, and as regards the efforts 
which have at present been made, you have in 
connection with the search for minerals forty 
thousand claims registered with the Government 
of the country. That means two thousand miles 
of mineralised quartz, and I would refer you to the 
report of Mr. Hammond, who went through the 
country with me, and who is the consulting en- 
gineer of the Goldfields of South Africa Company. 
He was highly pleased with what he saw. There 
was a suggestion made that the reefs were not true 
fissure veins ; did not go down. He pooh-poohed 
that idea. I would refer you to page 35 of the 
directors' report, where he alludes to that, and 
says : ' Veins of this class are universally noted for 
their permanency.' Then if you follow his remarks 
on the mineral position, you will find that he says : 
' It would be an anomaly in the history of gold- 
mining if, upon the hundreds of miles of mineral- 
ised veins, valuable ore-shoots should not be 
developed as the result of future work.' He 
adds : ' There are, I think, substantial grounds 
to predict the opening up of shoots of ore from 
which an important mining industry will ultimately 
be developed.' Then he warns people about the 
mode of investing money in the search for minerals, 


and says : ' With these admonitions, I confidently 
commend the country to the attention of mining 
capitalists.' That is the report of a cautious man 
who visited the country and reported on what 
he saw. 

" You must remember that in the past, in 
dealing with our reefs, we have not had men 
acquainted with mining. They were chiefly 
young fellows who went up and occupied the 
country, and who knew as little about mining 
as many of you here do. They had no means 
of ascertaining, because the mineralisation of that 
country is quartz, and not alluvial, and we could 
get in no batteries. Still, the past four years 
have proved that the whole country is mine- 
ralised from end to end, and in reference to the 
discoveries made I think I am justified in stating 
that such have been the reports of those who 
are connected with those discoveries, that nearly 
three-quarters of a million sterling has been 
subscribed lately for the development of them, 
not by puffing prospectuses, but privately by 
friends of those who have gone out and made 
reports on what they .have discovered. If I 
might address a word of warning to you, I would 
say we, as directors, are responsible to you for 
the Charter as to its capital. Do not go and 
discount possibilities as if they were proved 
results. I think, however, that with the facts 
which I have stated, you may be confident that 
in the future Ma'tabeleland and Mashonaland 
will be gold - producing countries, because it 
would be contrary to Nature to suppose that a 
country that is mineralised from end to end 
should not have payable shoots. With these 
words I will make no further remark as to the 
gold, save and except to tell you this, that if 


one of you asks how you will get a return in 
connection with that gold, I may state that what 
I term the ' patent ' in the country namely, 
the Company getting a share in the vendor 
scrip has been practically accepted by the 
country. We have not had the slightest diffi- 
culty in settling with the various corporations 
who have obtained capital from the public. 

" The great objection to the idea was its 
newness. It had never been- tried before. It 
has now been tried and accepted, and for a very 
simple reason. The prospector has found that he 
is not eaten up by monthly licences while holding 
his claim ; the capitalist, when he goes to purchase, 
knows that the Charter has a certain interest, and 
pays accordingly ; and as to the public, who 
always find the capital for quartz mining, it is a 
matter of no importance to them whether Jones 
gets all the vendor scrip or whether Jones and the 
Government share it together. The public do 
not take such a personal interest in Jones that 
they require that he should have the whole of the 
scrip. They also know that if the Government 
receive half of it, it is held until the value of the 
mine is proved, whereas if the whole of it was 
handed over to Jones, he might part with it to a 
confiding public. When, therefore, you are 
considering this question commercially you will 
say, ' Well, we are dealing with a proposition of 
a capital of ,2,000,000 ; we are dealing with a 
country nearly as big as Europe, and we know it 
is mineralised. The present tests must be fairly 
satisfactory, or else the friends of those who have 
gone out and found reefs would not have sub- 
scribed three-quarters of a million sterling for 
their development. We must always remember 
in connection with mining that it is very 


speculative, as I told a friend of mine the 
other day they are always bothering me about 
mines and I said to one of my friends, a French 
financier, 'I will give you advice at last.' He was 
delighted, and asked what I would advise. I said, 
' Either buy French Rentes or Consols.' Then he 
went away annoyed. What, however, I desire to 
put to you is, that when you go into a mining 
venture you go into a speculative venture ; but 
as a proposition with a capital of ,2,000,000, deal- 
ing with a country almost as big as Europe, which 
is mineralised, and with that subscribed capital for 
its development and as regards its administra- 
tion, the revenue paying for the expenditure it is 
a fair business-like proposition. When you con- 
sider this comparatively and that is the great 
secret in life it represents in capital perhaps one 
Rand mine. As to the question whether the scrip 
proposal has been accepted, we have settled with 
all the chief corporations, and as minerals are 
found in that territory, you therefore know per- 
fectly well that in reference to the share capital 
you have an interest in everything that is dis- 
covered. I will not say anything more than that 
with regard to the mineral question, but I would 
repeat again : do not discount possibilities as if 
they were proved results. 

" Now, gentlemen, I think that on this occa- 
sion you cannot accuse me of not dealing with 
the commercial aspects of the country. I think 
you will admit that I have shown you the size of 
it, the cost of it, and the possibilities of it, and if 
there is any point I have missed, please tell me. 
We have to consider, because we are a Charter, 
and are connected with politics, the political 
position of the country, and I may say that that 
is most satisfactory. We had a good many 


enemies before, and difficulties with the Portu- 
guese, with the Transvaal, and with the Matabele. 
As you know, the Matabele difficulty has dis- 
appeared ; they have incorporated themselves 
with us. The difficulties with the Portuguese are 
also over. We had different views as to where 
our boundaries were situated ; but now I may 
say that our relations with them are on the most 
friendly footing, and we must always remember, 
with reference to the Portuguese, that they were 
the original civilisers of Africa. They had the 
bad luck, if I may say so, to get only the coast, to 
be on the fringe, and never to have penetrated to 
the high healthy plateau at the back. Their power 
is not what it was ; but we must respect them, and 
we must remember that the man who founded the 
Portuguese Colonial Empire that is, Henry the 
Navigator was of our own blood. The other 
day, when we were at Delagoa Bay, they had 
trouble with the natives, and we offered Dr. 
Jameson and I to assist them, because the 
natives in rebellion were a portion of the tribe of 
Gungunhana, to whom we pay tribute, but the 
Portuguese declined our assistance, and one cannot 
help respecting their national pride. They would 
not take help from anyone, and we should do the 
same. They were very courteous and thanked 
us, but they declined our proffered assistance, 
although they knew that we could help them, 
because these natives who were troubling them 
were receiving tribute from us. In the same 
way they refused assistance from the Transvaal 
Government, and I believe from two foreign 
Powers. With national pride they are settling 
their difficulties themselves. It will be our object 
to work in perfect co-operation with the Portu- 
guese Government and officials. 


" With regard to the Transvaal, our neigh- 
bour the President finds that he has quite 
enough to do in dealing with his own people. 
I have always felt that if I had been in 
President Kruger's position I should have 
looked upon the Chartered Territory as my 
reversion. He must have been exceedingly 
disappointed when we went in and occupied it ; 
but since then we have co-operated most heartily 
with him, and I look to no political difficulty 
from the Transvaal. We have received through- 
out the complete support of the Cape people, 
who, recognising that it was too great an under- 
taking for themselves to enter upon, were glad 
that we undertook it, and they look upon it as 
their Hinterland, as, remember, we shall pass 
from the position of chartered administration to 
self-government, when the country is occupied by 
white people especially by Englishmen, because 
if Englishmen object to anything it is to being 
governed by a small oligarchy. They will 
govern themselves. We must therefore look to 
the future of Charterland I speak of ten or 
twenty years hence as self-government, and 
that self-government very possibly federal with 
the Cape Government. 

" Then when we think of the political 
position, we have also to consider the English 
people, and I must say we have received the 
very heartiest support from the English public, 
with a few exceptions, possibly from ignorance 
(laughter) and possibly from disappointment- 
Daughter) - and I think in many cases from an 
utter misconception. I remember whilst coming 
home, sitting down on board ship and reading this 
from the Daily Chronicle: ' Not a single un- 
employed workman in England is likely to secure 


a week's steady labour as a result of a forward 
policy in South Africa.' What is the reply to 
that ? I do not reply by a platform address about 
' three acres and a cow ' (laughter) or with 
Socialistic statements as to ' those who have 
not, taking from those who have.' I make 
the practical reply that we have built 200 miles 
of railway, and that the rails have all been 
made in England and the locomotives also. 
We have constructed 1,300 miles of tele- 
graphs, and the poles and wires have all been 
made in England. Everything we wear has 
been imported from England. And can you tell 
me that not a single labourer or unemployed 
workman in England is likely to secure a week's 
steady labour as a result of that enterprise ? I 
can assure you it does them much more good 
than telling them about three acres and a cow, 
because nothing has ever come out of that yet. 
(Laughter.) And as to the Socialistic programme 
well, you know the story of one of the Roth- 
schilds, I think, who listened to it all in the train, 
and then handed the gentleman who addressed 
him a sovereign as his share of the plunder. 
(Laughter.) But we have to deal with this 
question, and I hope I am not tiring you of it, 
because we have to study the feeling of the 
English people, and they are most practical. You 
must show that it is to their benefit that these 
expansions are made, because the man in the 
street, if he does not get a share, naturally says : 
' And where do I come in ? ' (Laughter.) You 
must show them that there is a distinct advantage 
to them in these developments abroad. That is 
the reason why, when we made a constitution for 
this country, I submitted a provision that the 
duty on British goods should not exceed the 


present Cape tariff. I should like you to listen to 
me on that, if I do not tire you. You must 
remember that your ' Little Englander ' says, 
and very fairly : ' What is the advantage of all 
these expansions ? What are the advantages of 
our Colonies ? As soon as we give them self- 
government, if we remonstrate with them as to a 
law they pass, they tell us they will haul down the 
flag ; and on receiving self-government, they imme- 
diately devise how they can keep our goods out, 
and make bad boots and shoes for themselves.' 
It is true that many of our Colonies have found 
out the folly of Protection, but they have created 
a bogey which they cannot allay, because the 
factories have been created, the workmen have 
come out there, and they are only kept going by 
the high duties ; and a poor Minister who tries to 
pass a low tariff knows perfectly well that he will 
have his windows broken by an infuriated mob. 
The only chance for a colony is to stop these 
ideas before they develop, and taking this new 
country of ours, I thought it would be a wise 
thing to put in the constitution that the tariff 
should not exceed the present Cape tariff, which 
is a revenue and not a protective tariff. (Cheers.) 
The proof of that is that we have not a single 
factory in the Cape Colony. I thought if we 
made that a part of our constitution in the interior, 
-we should stop the creation of vested factories, a 
most unfair treatment of British trade, and a most 
unjust thing to the people of a new country. You 
may not be surprised that that proposition was 
refused. It was refused because it was not under- 
stood. People thought that there was a proposition 
for a preferential system. I may tell you that all 
my letters of thanks came from the Protectionists, 
-and nothing from the Free Traders, though it was 


really a Free Trade proposition. A proposition 
came from Home that I should put in the words 
' That the duty on imported goods should not 
exceed the present Cape tariff.' I declined to do 
that because I thought that in the future, twenty- 
five or fifty years hence, you might deal with the 
United States as you would with a naughty child, 
saying, ' If you will keep on this system of the 
McKinley tariff, or an increase of it, we shall shut 
your goods out/ in the same way that you go to 
war, not because you are pleased with war, but 
because you are forced. That is why I wished to 
put the words ' British goods,' because actually 
England in the future might adopt this policy and 
yet have a clause in the constitution of one of her 
own colonies which prevented it. (Cheers.) Now 
who could object to this ? Certainly not the French 
or the German Ambassadors, because so long as 
England's policy is to make no difference, they 
come in under this clause, the policy of England 
being that there should be no preferential right. 
Any law passed by us giving a preferential right 
would be disallowed. But this clause would have 
assisted the German and French manufacturer, so 
long as England remains what it is, because they 
also would have shared in the privilege of the 
duty on imported goods, or British goods not 
exceeding 12 per cent. If you follow the idea, 
so long as England did not sanction a law making 
a difference, we had to make it the same to all. 
But this great gain was obtained, that supposing 
that the charter passed into self-government, and 
a wave of Protection came over the territory, and 
they pass, we will say, a duty of 50 per cent, on 
British goods, that would be disallowed, because 
it was contrary to the constitution. The only 
objection that has ever been made to this propo- 



sition is that it would have been law as long as it 
was no good, and when it was any good it would 
have been done away with. That shows a want 
of knowledge again. People think the people in 
the colonies are all for Protection. It is nothing 
of the kind. They are very sensible people, 
and they know that Protection means that 
everything you eat and wear costs you 50 per 
cent. more. But what does happen is that at 
times a wave comes over a country, of Pro- 
tection, and it is carried by a small majority. 
It then becomes law ; the factories are created 
and the human beings come out and they have 
to be fed, and therefore you cannot get rid of 
them. But in case of a wave coming in the 
country under a constitution as suggested, the 
Secretary of State would be justified in dis- 
allowing. He would say : ' There is a large 
minority against this law, and as it is against the 
constitution I disallow.' And look at the ramifi- 
cations of it. Of course if the gold is in the 
quantity in Matabeleland and Mashonaland that 
we think, that will become a valuable asset in 
Africa, and we know perfectly well there is going 
to be a Customs Union of Africa leave out the 
question of republics and the questions of Govern- 
ment and the Flag ; but we know the practical 
thing will happen, that there will be a Customs 
Union in Africa. This clause being in our charter 
would have governed the rest of Africa, and there- 
fore you would have had preserved to British 
goods, Africa as one of your markets. (Cheers.) 
Take the comparison of this question, and I will 
show you what it means. You have sixty millions 
of your people in the United States. You created 
that Government ; that is your production, if I 
may call it so ; they have adopted this folly of Pro- 


tection they cannot get rid of it now. What is 
your trade with the United States sixty millions 
of your own people ? I will tell you. Your exports 
are about ^40,000,000 per annum. Now, in Africa 
and Egypt we have only 600,000 whites with us, 
and I do not think the natives are very great con- 
sumers but you are up to ^"20,000,000. I will 
take Southern Africa. You are doing about 
^"15,000,000 with the Cape and Natal, almost 
entirely British goods, and about ^4,000,020 with 
Egypt, where you have a fair chance for your 
goods ; and you are doing ^20,000,000 with those 
two small dependencies, as against ^40,000,000 
with another creation of yours which has shut your 
own goods out and only takes ^40,000,000 from 
you. If it had given a fair chance to your trade 
you would be doing \ 50,000,000 with the United 
States, to your own advantage and to the advan- 
tage of the American people. (Hear, hear, and 
cheers.) I can see very clearly that the whole 
of your politics lie in your trade, or should do so, 
because you are not like France, producing wine 
you are not like the United States, a world by 
itself you are a small province, doing nothing but 
making up the raw material into the manufactured 
article, and distributing over the world, and your 
great policy should be to keep the trade of the 
world, and therefore you have done a wise thing 
in remaining in Egypt and taking Uganda. You 
have to thank the present Prime Minister for that, 
and remember this, when it has to be written, 
that he has done that against probably the feelings 
of the whole of his party, which comprise the 
Little Englanders. He has taken Uganda and 
retained Egypt, and the retention of Egypt 
means the retention of an open market for your 
goods. (Hear, hear.) Why, the lesson is so 

M 2 


easy ! When I came home to England the first 
time, I went up the Thames, and what did I find 
they were doing ? for whom were they making ? 
They were making for the world. That was 
what they were doing in England ; and when I 
went into a factory there was not a man who was 
not working for the world. Your trade is the 
world, and your life is the world, and that is why 
you must deal with those questions of expansion 
and of retention of the world. (Hear, hear.) Of 
course, Cobdenism was a most beautiful theory, 
and it is right that you should look to the whole 
world ; but the human beings in the world will 
not have that. They will want to make their own 
things ; and if they find that England can make 
them best they put on these protective duties ; 
and if they keep on doing that they will beat you 
in the end. It is not ethical discussions about 
the House of Lords that you want, or about 
three acres and a cow. And you talk nonsense 
if you talk about doing away with a Second 
Chamber so that a wave of popular feeling could 
sweep away your Constitution. Brother Jonathan 
does not do that. (Laughter.) It may all end 
in strengthening the House of Lords. We all 
know that. When you come to the election, and 
when you go on your various election committees, 
do not give your entire attention to the ethical 
question of the House of Lords. When Jones or 
Smith at the ensuing election asks you for your 
support, tell them for there is really nothing else 
before you in the election ' We will have this 
clause put in about Matabeleland.' Everything 
comes from these little things. You do not know 
how it will spread, the basis of it being that your 
goods shall not be shut out from the markets of 
the world. That clause will develop, and will 


spread from Matabeleland to Mashonaland, and 
then perhaps Australia and Canada will consider 
the question, and you will thus be retaining a 
market for your goods. And you have been 
actually offered this, and you have refused it. 
You will be acting foolishly if you do not in the 
forthcoming elections insist upon that clause being 
put in. Now, I hope you will not say I have 
departed from the commercial aspect and gone to 
a political speech ; but I can assure you of this 
I think it will do you and your trade more good 
than anything I can conceive. Gentlemen, in all 
things it is the little questions that change the 
world. This charter came from an accidental 
thought, and all the great changes of the world 
come from little accidents. All the combinations 
and beautiful essays that are put forward so 
eagerly are unpractical enough, but this consti- 
tution is a more practical thing. I can assure 
you there is a very practical thing in it. We 
have been accused of being a speculative set of 
company-mongers, and nobody could see any 
great chance of our ultimate financial success ; 
but by your support we have carried it through. 
When the man in the street sneers at you, you 
can remind him that it was an undertaking he 
had not the courage to enter upon himself as one 
of the British people ; the Imperial Government 
would not touch it ; the Cape Government was 
too poor to do it. It has been done by you, and 
the enterprise has succeeded, and I do not think 
anybody would say they would like to see that 
portion of the world under another flag now. 
And it has been done, which the English people 
like, without expense to their exchequer - 
(laughter) and we have had to combine this 
expansion with the commercial or else we should 


not have succeeded. Don't be annoyed with me, 
gentlemen. Let us look at the facts. There was 
that development of East Africa based, if I might 
put it, on the suppression of the slave trade and 
the cultivation of the cocoanut-tree. (Laughter.) 
Well, I saw Sir William Mackinnon at the end, 
and it almost killed him. He got no support 
from the public. We are very practical people. 
Take my own case. Take that of the trans- 
continental telegraph. It will be of great assist- 
ance to the Chartered Company, because it will 
put our territories at the end of Tanganyika in 
touch with us, and yet the bulk of the public 
did hot help us. I think the public had really 
no grounds to subscribe. But I will take two 
corporations I am connected with. Well, one 
gave nothing, and with the other an indignant 
shareholder wrote to the Board to inquire who 
paid for the paper and envelopes of the circular. 
(Laughter.) Now, I mention this to show what 
an eminently practical people we are. Unless 
we had made this undertaking with its com- 
mercial difficulties, we should have failed, and 
that is the best reply to those who sneer at us 
and call us a set of company-mongers. (Cheers.) 
We have been fortunate in forming an imagina- 
tive conception, and succeeded, and really, if you 
look at it, within a period well, I would say, it 
is hardly equal to the term allotted to an Oxford 
student. (Laughter.) Commercially, if you 
think it out, I think you will go away from this 
room no, I don't think you will go away to sell 
your shares, for it is fair business. When you 
went into our Company you went into speculative 
mining ; it is certainly not Consols or French 
Rentes. There are no more claims for fresh 
money, and our two millions represent a very 


large interest in all the gold that will be found 
practically between Mafeking and Tanganyika in 
a highly mineralised country (cheers) and, 
therefore, if you are satisfied with the commercial, 
I really think you might give a help in the 
political. I do hope in the ensuing election you 
will do your best to see my clause carried, because 
you will do by that a really practical thing, and 
take the very first practical step that has been 
done towards the promotion of the Union of the 
Empire." (Loud cheers.) 

It is impossible to attempt to summarise the whole of 
Mr. Rhodes's speeches here, but it is equally impossible to close 
this section without noticing in passing one of the most famous, 
and in some respects the most unfortunate of all his speeches, 
which he delivered immediately after the relief of Kimberley, 
on February igih, 1900. It was in this speech that Mr. Rhodes 
made use of the famous phrase so constantly quoted against 
him, in which he spoke of the British flag as a " commercial 
asset." This much misquoted passage occurs in a speech 
addressed to the shareholders of the De Beers Company. 
Mr. Rhodes had been using the resources of the De Beers 
shareholders without stint in the defence of Kimberley against 
the Boers. He was appealing to shareholders, many of whom, 
being French and Germans, regarded the whole British policy 
in South Africa with unconcealed detestation. His speech 
was primarily intended to reconcile them to an employment 
of the funds for political purposes to which they objected. 
He had also to deal with other shareholders, whose only 
concern was their dividends. This is quite clear from the 
opening passages of his speech. He said : 

" Shareholders may be divided into two 
classes those who are imaginative and those 
who are certainly unimaginative. To the latter 
class the fact of our connection with the Char- 
tered Company has been for many years past a 
great trial. Human beings are very interesting. 


There are those of the unimaginative type who 
pass their whole lives in filling money-bags, and 
when they are called upon, perhaps more hurriedly 
than they desire, to retire from this world, what 
they leave behind is often dissipated by their 
offspring on wine, women and horses. Of these 
purely unimaginative gentlemen, whose sole con- 
cern is the accumulation of wealth, I have a large 
number as my shareholders." 

It was to these unimaginative persons, especially to the 
foreign shareholders, that he addressed his vindication of the 
transformation of a purely commercial company unconnected 
with politics, into warriors fighting for the preservation of our 
homes and property. 

" I have to tell the shareholders in Europe," 
he said, "that we have for the last four months 
devoted the energies of our company to the 
defence of the town." 

After describing what had been done by the citizen soldiers 
of Kimberley, he concluded his speech by the following 
passage : 

" Finally, I would submit to you this thought, 
that when we look back upon the troubles we 
have gone through, and especially all that has 
been suffered by the women and children, we 
have this satisfaction that we have done our 
best to preserve that which is the best com- 
mercial asset in the world the protection of Her 
Majesty's flag." 

When Mr. Rhodes came back from Kimberley, I had a 
talk with him upon this subject. He said that it was very 
ridiculous the way people had abused him for the passage 
about the flag. If they had considered the circumstances in 
which the speech was made, they would have seen the reason 
for it. 


" People talked as if I were making a political 
speech, or speaking as a politician. I was not. 
1 was addressing a meeting of the De Beers 
shareholders, half of whom were Frenchmen. 
Of course, the number of people present at the 
meeting was small, but 1 was addressing the 
French shareholders through the press. French 
feeling is very strong against England, and 
the French shareholders might naturally feel 
aggrieved. They had lost an enormous sum of 
money from the cessation of industry during the 
war. The part which the De Beers Company 
had taken in defending Kimberley was another 
point upon which, as shareholders, they might 
fairly take an exception. In order to parry their 
objection and to show to them that, after all, I 
was really looking after their business, I finished 
up with a declaration that I had been spending 
their money in defending what was, after all, the 
greatest commercial asset in the world, the pro- 
tection of the British flag. It was a perfectly 
true thing, and it seemed to me a very useful 
thing to say in the circumstances. I was 
addressing, not the world at large, but De Beers 
shareholders. I had my French shareholders in 
my eye all the time." 

1 7 6 

Mr. Rhodes's last Portrait. 




MR. RHODES died at Muizenberg, a small cottage on 
the sea-coast near Cape Town, on March 26, 1902. 
The result of the post mortem examination showed 
that with the exception of the aneurism of the 
heart, which caused an immense distension of that 
organ, he was in a perfectly healthy state. The 
heart trouble had been with him from his youth. 
When he attained manhood it abated somewhat, 
but after his fortieth year it returned, and gradually 
increased until his death, which did not come to 
his release until after some weeks of very agonis- 
ing suffering. He was conscious to the very last, 
and attempted to transact business within a week 
of his decease. He was attended constantly by 
his old and faithful friend, Dr. Jameson, whose 
name was the last articulate word which escaped 
from his lips. 

All the deep-seated tenderness of his nature, 
which led Bramwell Booth to describe him as 
having a great human heart hungering for love, 
found expression in these last days whenever 
he spoke or thought of Dr. Jameson. The affec- 
tion which Mr. Rhodes entertained for the Doctor 
dated far back in the early days when they were 
at Kimberley together, and never varied through 
all the vicissitudes of his eventful career. At one 
time, when Dr. Jameson was ill and in prison, 
bearing the punishment for an enterprise the pre- 


cipitation of which was due to incentives from a 
much higher than any African quarter, he was 
troubled by the maddening fear that Mr. Rhodes 
had not forgiven him for the upsetting of his 
apple-cart. But Mr. Rhodes was not a man 
who wore his heart upon his sleeve. He 
schooled himself to repress manifestations of 
affection, but an incident for which Lord Grey is my 
authority shows how unfounded were Dr. Jame- 
son's misgivings. If Mr. Rhodes loved anything 
in the world, he loved his house, and Groote 
Schuur was the nest which he had built for himself 
in the shadow of Table Mountain, which he had 
filled with all manner of historic and literary 
treasures. When the year 1896 the year of the 
ill-fated Raid was drawing to a close, Lord Grey, 
then Administrator of Rhodesia, received a tele- 
gram early in the morning to the effect that 
Groote Schuur had been burnt down with most 
of its contents. Knowing how intensely Mr. 
Rhodes was attached to his home, Lord Grey 
shrank from breaking the news to him until they 
were alone. He feared that Mr. Rhodes might 
lose his self-control. They rode out together that 
morning, and not until they were far out in the 
country did Lord Grey think of telling the evil 
tidings which arrived that morning. As they rode 
together Mr. Rhodes began talking of the 
misfortunes of the twelve months then drawing 
to a close. Nothing but ill-luck had attended him 
for the whole course ; he did not think that his 
luck could mend, and could only hope that the 
new year would dawn without any further disaster. 
Lord Grey said to him gently 

" Well, Mr. Rhodes, I am very sorry, but I 
am afraid I must give you a rather ugly knock." 

Mr. Rhodes reined up his horse, and turning 



to his companion he exclaimed, his face livid, 
white and drawn with an agony of dread 

" Good heavens ! Out with it, man 
has happened ? " 



" Well," said Lord Grey, " I am sorry to tell you 
that Groote Schuur was burnt down last night." 

The tense look of anguish disappeared from 
Rhodes's face. He heaved a great sigh, and 
exclaimed with inexpressible relief 

" Oh, thank God, thank God ! I thought 
you were going to tell me that Dr. Jim was dead. 
The house is burnt down well, what does that 
matter ? We can always rebuild the house, but 
if Dr. Jim had died I should never have got 
over it." 

Only those who knew what Groote Schuur 
was to Mr. Rhodes can understand the depth 
and fervour of a human attachment which enabled 
him to bear the loss of his house not merely with 
equanimity but absolute gratitude. 

It is a very striking illustration of the practical 
value of one of Mr. Rhodes's favourite sayings : 

" Do the comparative. Always do the com- 

By this he meant, whenever you are over- 
taken by a misfortune or plunged into dire 
tribulation, you can find consolation by reflecting 
how much worse things might have been, or how 
much greater had been the misery suffered by 
others. I well remember Mr. Rhodes telling me 
how he had frequently supported himself in the 
midst of the most trying crisis of his career, 
when everything seemed to be lost. He used 
to say 

" When I was inclined to take too tragic a 
view of the consequences of apparently imminent 
disaster, I used to reflect what the old Roman 
Emperors must have felt when (as often 
happened) their legions were scattered, and 
they fled from a stricken field, knowing that 
they had lost the empire of the world. To 


such men at such times it must have seemed 
as if their world was going to pieces around 
them. But after all," he said, " the sun rose 
next day, the river flowed between its banks, 
and the world went on very much the same 
despite it all. And, thinking of this, I used to 
go to bed and sleep like a child." 

A still more remarkable instance of the 
deliberate way in which he practised the maxim 
was also told me. When Mr. Rhodes came 
home after the Raid he fully expected to be sent 
to prison, and amused himself during the voyage 
by drawing up a scheme of reading which he 
hoped to carry out during the seclusion of the 
gaol ; but it was not until after his death that I 
heard from Lord Grey how he proposed to nerve 
himself for the ordeal of imprisonment. 

" Do the comparative ! " Mr. Rhodes said to 
Lord Grey one day when they were together in 
Rhodesia. " Always do the comparative ! You 
will find it a great comfort. For instance, if I 
had been sent to gaol after the Raid, I had fully 
made up my mind what I would do. I should 
have gone down to the Tower before I was 
locked up ; I should have gone to the cell in 
which poor old Sir Walter Raleigh was imprisoned 
before he was led out to be beheaded ; I should 
have gone to the cell and thought of all that 
Raleigh suffered in the long years in which he 
lay there. And then, afterwards, when I was in 
my comfortable cell in Holloway Gaol, I should 
have consoled myself every day by thinking, 'After 
all, you are not so badly off as poor Sir Walter 
Raleigh in that cell of his in the Tower.' ' 

On another occasion, when he had been made 
wretched by the attacks made upon him in the 
Cape Parliament for his share in the Raid, when 

The Lying-in-State. 

The Procession Passing the Memorial Column, Bulawayo. 


it seemed as if he had lost everything for which 
he had striven, and had nothing to look forward 
to but punishment and disgrace, he burst into 
Lord Grey's room one morning and ex- 

" Do you know, Grey, I have just been think- 
ing that you have never been sufficiently grateful 
for having been born an Englishman. Just think 
for a moment," he went on, " what it is to have 
been born an Englishman in England. Think 
how many millions of men there are in this world 
to-day who have been born Chinese or Hindus or 
Kaffirs ; but you were not born any of these, you 
were born an Englishman. And that is not all. 
You are just over forty (which was about Rhodes's 
own age at that time), and you have a clean, 
healthy body. Now think of the odds there are 
against anyone having those three things to be 
born an Englishman, to be over forty, and to 
have a clean, healthy body. Why, the chances 
are enormous against it, and yet you have all 
three. What enormous chances there are against 
you having drawn all these prizes in the lottery of 
life, and yet you never think of them." 

"I could have hugged the poor old chap," said 
Lord Grey, " for it was so evident that he had 
been doing the comparative by way of consoling 
himself, and reflecting that in the midst of all his 
misfortunes there were some things which no one 
could take away from him ; and then he would 
burst into my room to pour out his soul to me in 
that fashion." 

Mr. Rhodes was very much given to musing, 
and even talking to himself upon the most serious 
subjects. Mr. Rudd told me that in Mr. Rhodes's 
early days nothing delighted him more than, when 
the day's work was done, to get a friend or two into 


his tent and discuss questions of philosophy and 
theology. Sir Charles Warren has told us how, 
when Rhodes was quite a young man, he and 
Warren had a long debate over the Thirty-nine 
Articles, and differed hopelessly upon the doctrine 
of predestination. His favourite author was said 
to have been Gibbon, but what served him as a 
pocket-Bible was the writings of Marcus Aurelius. 
As Gordon never went anywhere without his little 
pocket edition of Thomas a Kempis, so Rhodes 
never left behind him his pocket edition of Marcus 
Aurelius. His copy was dog-eared and scored 
with pencil marks, showing how constantly he had 
used it. But he never quite attained to the serene 
philosophy of the Imperial philosopher. He 
shrank from death, not so much from the fear 
of anything after death, but because it was the 
arrest of activity, the cessation of the strenuous 
life which he had always lived. He was ever a 
doer. Once an acquaintance had remarked to 
him, when he returned from London to South 

" I suppose you found London Society very 

To whom Mr. Rhodes replied 

" When I have a big thing on hand I don't 
dine out. I do that, and nothing else." 

It was this feeling which led him to cling 
so passionately to life. From the day when 
his heart suddenly gave way, and he fell from 
his horse and shattered his shoulder, he felt 
that he lived under the sword of Damocles, 
and at any moment the hair which suspended 
it might break and all would be over. It was 
this overmastering passion of energetic vitality 
which prompted his despairing cry when he lay on 
his death-bed " So much to do, so little done ! " 


One of the passages which he marked in the 
book which lay ever near his hand contained the 
reflections which Marcus Aurelius addressed to 
those who dreaded the approach of death : 

You have been a citizen of the great world-city. Five 
years or fifty, what matters it ? To every man his due as law 
allots. Why then protest? No tyrant gives you your 
dismissal, no unjust judge, but nature, who gave you the 
admission. It is like the praetor discharging some player 
whom he has engaged " But the five acts are not complete ; 
I have played but three." Good : life's drama, look you, is 
complete in three. The completeness is in his hands who 
first authorised your composition, and now your dissolution. 
Neither was your work. Serenely take your leave ; serene as 
he who gives you the discharge. ' 

After the siege of Kimberley, in 1900, Mr. 
Rhodes told me he thought he had fourteen years 
more to live ; and that time seemed to him far 
too short to accomplish all that he had in his 
mind to do. Few of his friends ventured to 
anticipate for him so long a lease of life. The 
result proved that their forebodings were only too 
well justified. Instead of fourteen years, he lived 
barely two. 

There is, however, something consoling in the 
heroism with which he risked and lost his life at 
the end. It is probable that if he had not returned 
to South Africa in the last year of his life he 
might have lived for several years. His medical 
advisers and his most intimate friends were aghast 
when he announced his determination to return 
to South Africa to give evidence in the case of 
Princess Radziwill. 

Mr. Rhodes, although unmarried, was singu- 
larly free from any scandal about women. As 
might be imagined, being a millionaire, a bachelor, 
and a man of charming personality, he was abso- 

1 86 


lutely hunted by many ladies ; but the pursuit 
seemed to inspire him with an almost amusing 
horror of ever finding- himself alone with them. 
Princess Radziwill was far the most brilliant, 
audacious, and highly placed of these huntresses, 
and Mr. Rhodes was correspondingly on his 
guard against "the old Princess," as he used to 
call her. But there is not a word of truth in 
the infamous suggestions that have been made 
concerning their relations. He regarded her as 
a thorough-paced intriguer, with whom he was 
determined that his name should never be 
associated. Had he not had so much regard 
for his reputation he might have been living at 
this hour. One of his friends, who knew the 
state of his health, implored him to meet her 
forged bills rather than expose his life to what, 
as the result proved, was a fatal danger. " What 
is ,24,000 to you," said his friend, " compared 
with the risk avoided ? " " It's not the money," 
said Mr. Rhodes, " but no risk will prevent me 
clearing my character of any stain in connection 
with that woman." 

"You are sending him to his death," said 
Dr. Jameson, as he prepared to accompany his 
friend on the last voyage to the Cape. The 
passage was exceptionally rough. Mr. Rhodes 
was once thrown out of his berth on to the 
floor of his cabin. When he arrived in South 
Africa it was with the mark of death upon 
him. His evidence had to be taken at Groote 
Schuur ; but he never showed any sign of 
regret that he had responded to the summons 
of the Courts. It was his duty, and he did it, 
and did it, as the result proved, at the cost of 
his life. 

So it came to pass that he who had never 


harmed a woman in his life met his death in 
clearing his name from the aspersions of a 
woman whom, out of sheer good-heartedness, 
he had befriended in time of need. 

Despite the difficulty of breathing caused by 
the pressure upon his lungs and the agonising 
pain from which he suffered, his mind was vigorous 
and his interest in all questions relating to South 
Africa unabated to the last. Nothing but his 
passionate will to live kept him alive. When at 
last he was compelled to admit that his end was 
approaching, he still clung to the hope that his 
life might be prolonged so as to enable him once 
more to return to England before he died. He 
wished to come home. A cabin was taken for 
him on the steamer, but when the hour came it 
was impossible to remove him from the room in 
which, propped up with pillows, he sat await- 
ing the end. Messages from the King and 
Queen and from friends all over the world were 
cabled to the sick-room at Muizenberg, and those 
loving messages of sympathy and affection helped 
to console him in the dark hours of anguish. 

During the whole of these terrible weeks there 
was only one occasion on which he spoke on those 
subjects which in the heyday of his youth were 
constantly present to his mind. On one occasion, 
after a horrible paroxysm of pain had convulsed 
him with agony, he was heard, when he regained 
his breath and the spasm had passed, to be hold- 
ing a strange colloquy with his Maker. The 
dying man was talking to God, and not merely 
talking to God, but himself assuming both parts 
of the dialogue. The attendant in the sick 
chamber instinctively recalled those chapters in 
the book of Job in which Job and his friends dis- 
cussed together the apparent injustice of the 


Governor of the world. It was strange to hear 
Mr. Rhodes stating first his case against the 
Almighty, and then in reply stating what he con- 
sidered his Maker's case against himself. But so 
the argument went on. 

" What have I done," he asked, " to be tor- 
tured thus ? If I must go hence, why should I be 
subjected to this insufferable pain ? " 

And then he answered his own question,, 
going over his own shortcomings and his own 
offences, to which he again in his own person 
replied ; and so the strange and awful colloquy 
went on, until at last the muttering ceased, and 
there was silence once more. 

Beyond this there is no record of what he 
thought or what he felt when he fared forth to 
make that pilgrimage which awaits us all through 
the valley of the shadow of death. He had far 
too intense vitality ever to tolerate the idea of 

" I'm not an atheist," he once said to me 
impatiently ; " not at all. But I don't believe 
in the idea about going to heaven and twanging 
a harp all day. No. I wish I did sometimes ; 
but I don't. That kind of aesthetical idea 
pleases you perhaps ; it does not please me. 
But I'm not an atheist." 

" I find I am human," he wrote on one occa- 
sion, " but should like to live after my death." 

And in his conversation he frequently referred 
to his returning to the earth to see how his 
ideas were prospering, and what was being done 
with the fortune which he had dedicated to the 
service of posterity. Some of his talk upon the 
subject of the after-life was very quaint, and 
almost child-like in its simplicity. His ideas, so 
far as he expressed them to me, always assumed 


that he would be able to recognise and con- 
verse with those who had gone before, and 
that both he and they would have the keenest 
interest in the affairs of this planet. This planet, 
in some of his moods, seemed too small a sphere 
for his exhaustless energy. 

" The world," he said to me on one occasion, 
" is nearly all parcelled out, and what there is 
left of it is being divided up, conquered, and 
colonised. To think of these stars," he said, 
41 that you see overhead at night, these vast 
worlds which we can never reach. I would 
annex the planets if I could ; I often think of that. 
It makes me sad to see them so clear and yet 
so far." 

Since Alexander died at Babylon, sighing for 
fresh worlds to conquer, has there ever been such 
a cry from the heart of mortal man ? 

When the end was imminent, his brother was 
brought to the bedside. He recognised him, and 
clasped his hand. Then releasing his grasp, the 
dying man stretched his feeble hand to the 
Doctor, and murmuring " Jameson ! " the greatest 
of Africanders was dead. 

After death his features regained that classic 
severity of outline which was so marked in the 
days before they had been disfigured by the 
malady to which he succumbed. After lying in 
state at Groote Schuur, the funeral service was 
held in the Cathedral at Cape Town, and then, 
in accordance with the provisions of his will, his 
remains were taken northward to the Matoppos, 
where, near the great African chief Umsilikatse, 
he was laid to rest in the mountain-top which 
he had named "The View of the World." 
Seldom has there been a more imposing and 
yet more simple procession to the tomb. For 


750 miles on that northward journey the progress 
of the funeral train was accompanied by all the 
outward and visible signs of mourning which as 
a rule are only to be witnessed on the burial days 
of kings. At every blockhouse which guarded 
the line the troops turned out to salute the silent 
dead to whose resistless energy was due the 
line over which they stood on guard. When 
Bulawayo was reached, the whole city was in 
mourning. But a few years before it had been 
the kraal of Lobengula, one of the last lairs 
of African savagery. Only the previous year a 
memorial service had been held there in honour 
of President McKinley, and now the citizens were 
summoned to a still more mournful service With 
an energy worthy of the founder of their State, a 
road was constructed from Bulawayo to the 
summit of the Matoppos. Along this, followed 
by the whole population, the body of Mr. Rhodes 
was drawn to his last resting-place. The coffin 
was lowered into the tomb, the mourners, white 
and black, filed past the grave, and then a huge 
block of granite, weighing over three tons, sealed 
the mouth of the sepulchre from all mortal eyes. 
There, on the Matoppos, lies the body of Cecil 
Rhodes ; but who can say what far regions of the 
earth have not felt, and will not hereafter feel, a 
thrill and inspiration of the mind \vhich for less 
than fifty years sojourned in that tabernacle of 
clay ? 



Africa, East, Company based on suppression of slave trade and cultivation of cocoa- 
nut, 172 

luture, 10 DC aominaiea oy r>ruisn gooas clause in K.noaesian constitution. 
Afrikander Bond : C. J. Rhodes a supporter of, 144 ; speech in defence cf, 144-5 
America, North. See United States 
America, South, Republics of, to be controlled by Anglo-Saxons, 74 
American scholarships, why given, 27 ; how to be awarded, 35 ; character of students at 

Oxford, 31, 35 

Aristotle, influence of, on C. J. Rhodes, 84, 98 
Athletics insisted on by C. J. Rhodes, 36 

Australia, South, scholarships for, 32 ; Western, scholarships for, 32 
Australasia, twenty-one scholarships for, 32 ; representation in Parliament desired for, 


Baker, Herbert, on artistic sense of C. J. Rhodes, 16 

Bechuanaland : C. J. Rhodes opposed to Rev. T. Mackenzie, 80, 145 : defends his 

policy in the Times, 1885, 138 ; proposal to exclude Dutch from, condemned, 147 ; 

Chartered Company's land in, 153 
Beers. See De Beers 

Beit, Alfred, joint heir, 49, 108 ; portrait of, 65 
Bermudas, three scholarships for, 32 

Black, W. (i., on German veto on English in Heligoland, 36 
Bond. See Afrikander 

Booth, General, interviews with C. J. Rhodes, 89 ; W. Bramwell, impressions, 91-3, 177 
Boyd, Charles, portrait of, 123 : " C. B." letter in Spectator, 130 
Btilawayo, park for, 7 ; railway to Westacre, 9 ; value of land in, 1895, 154 : funeral 

procession passing through, 182, 192 

Cambridge, scholarships not to be tenable at, 108 

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 131 

Canada, six scholarships for, 32 

Cape Colony, twelve scholarships for, 32 : the first Rhodes scholars from, 20 

Cape Colony, C. J. Rhodes's desire to secure Bechuanaland for, 80, 138 ; devotion to its 

paramountcy, 145, 148 
Chamberlain, Joseph, screened by C. J. Rhodes about Jameson Conspiracy, 107, 178 ; and 

devolution quoted by C. J. Rhodes, 124 ; screened by South African Commute.;, 

Charter, the British South African, not thought of when subscription given to C. S. 

Parnell. 120 
Chartered Company : Address to shareholders. 1895, 149-173 ; financial position in 1895, 

153-162: the justification and necessity for, 171 
Christ Church, Oxford, Bursar of, on ^300 scholarships, 30 
Codicils to will of C. J. Rhodes, Dalham Hall, 45 ; German scholarships, 35 ; Lord 

Milner, 49 ; \V. T. Stead. 49 : Dr. Jameson, 49 
Cole, Tennyson, portrait of C. J. Rhodes, 26 ; of Lord Milner, 57 
Colonial Secretary heir to C. J. Rhodes in first will, 61 ; why dropped, 62 
Colonial self-government defined by C. J. Rhodes ; practically independent Republics, 

143 ; protected but not controlled by Downing Street, 145 
Colonies, direct representation in Parliament advocated by C. J. Rhodes, 117, 124-5 ' 

suggested financial basis of representation, 125 ; accepted by Mr. Parnell, 126. 

See Federation 
Colonies, scholarships for, 23 : list of Colonies included, 32 : list cf Colonies omitted, 33 -, 

character of students from, 31 : first idea of founding, 105 
Country landlords " the strength of England," 46 
Crown Colony objected to by C. J. Rhodes, 144-9 
Customs union of South Africa anticipated by C. J. Rhodes, 168 

194 INDEX. 

Dalham Hall Estate, left to Colonel and Captain Rhodes, 45 

Palston, Rhodes family property in, 117 

Darwin, influence of, on C. J. Rhodes, 88, 95 

De Beers Company, address to shareholders of, in 1900, 173-4 : resources of, used to 

defend Kimberley, 174-5 : shareholders unimaginative, 173 : and French, 175 
Dutch goodwill essential to British Empire in South Africa, in, 113 ; must not be 

trampled on, 113 ; compared to Irish Nationalists by C. J. Rhodes, 122 ; loyalty to 

Empire of, 122, 144-8; native policy of, approved by C. J. Rhodes, 148; C. J. 

Rhodes hardly knew how to choose between Dutch and British, 145. See 

Afrikander Bond 

Edinburgh Medical School, 24 

Egypt : C. J. Rhodes subscribes ,5,000 to Liberal fund on understanding " no 
evacuation," 132 ; endangered by Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Morley, 132, 133-4 : 
saved by Lord Roseberv, 132, 169 

Empire, retention of unity of British, 23 ; furtherance of, 501 ; C. J. Rhodes opposes sever- 
ance of, 61, 62 ; disintegration hated, 135 ; its meaning to C. J. Rhodes, 140, 143 

Encumbered estates, evil of, 46 

English people first race in the world, 58 ; increase of their numbers desired, 58 ; do not 
know their greatness, 68 ; waste their energies on local matters, 68 : a conservative 
people, 124 ; a very practical people, like expansion for practical business, 150, 
165 ; will govern themselves, 164 : eminently practical, 172 

*' English-speaking Men, To all," Manifesto in REVIEW OF REVIEWS, 95-102 

English-speaking peoples, union of, C. J. Rhodes on, 27, 59, 61, 66, 73, 76 

Executors of last will, 49 

Exeter Hall, C. J. Rhodes's first and last visit to, 82 ; opposed to its native policy, 148 

Expansion, effect of, on number of English in the world, 58 ; British industry, 165 ; 
secure open markets, 166-171 

Federation indispensable, 61, 73. 74, 118 ; C. J. Rhodes's devotion to, 118 : C. J. Rhodes's 
ideas on, 124 ; Mr. Parnell's assent to, 126 ; in South Africa, 143 

Financial " patent" of C. J. Rhodes in Rhodesia, 50 per cent, on gold, 161 

Flag, devotion of C. J. Rhodes to, 145 ; but would accept Stars and Stripes, 62, 102 ; 
sympathises with Kruger's devotion to Vierkleur, 143 

Fort, Seymour, describes Inyanga, 9 

Free Trade, C. J. Rhodes on, 66, 73, 76, 166-9 

<jarrett, F. E., describes Groote Schuur, n ; portrait of, no; his authority invoked by 
C. J. Rhodes, 109 

Germany, fifteen scholarships for, 35 ; approved by Kaiser, 36 

Gladstone, Mr., his Home Rule Bill disliked by C. J. Rhodes, 121, 131-2 ; objects to 
retention of Irish members, 118 ; concedes their retention, 129 : but insists on 
reduction, 129 ; Newcastle speech on Egypt alarms C. J. Rhodes, 132 ; regarded by 
C. J. Rhodes as the Liberal Party, 132 ; worked on by J. Morley, 136 ; ignorant 
of C. J. Rhodes's views on Egypt, 135 

God, on the existence of, 89, 189; on His will towards us, 89; C. J. Rhodes's medita- 
tions on, 89 and onwards ; deathbed colloquy of C. J. Rhodes, 188-9 

Gordon, Gen., and C. J. Rhodes, 80, 142 

Grey, Earl, joint heir, 49, 108 ; portrait of, 60 ; anecdotes of C. J. Rhodes, 178-183 

Greswell, Rev. W., letter of, 29 

Groote Schuur, view from hill behind, 10 ; bequeathed to public as residence of First 
Federal Premier, 13; described by F. E. Garrett, n ; approach to, 12; the 
dining-room, 14; the drawing-room, 15; fund for maintenance of, 17; the hall, 
18 ; the library, 18 ; the billiard-room, 19 ; the panelled room, 19 ; marble bath- 
room, 25 ; Mr. Rhodes's bedroom, 25 ; summer-house at, 37 

Hague, 'Peace Conference at, 109 

Hammond, John Hays, portrait of, 156 : report on Rhodesia, 159 

Harris, Dr. Rutherfoord, portrait of, 146 

Harrison, President, dimly discerns American expansion, 74 

Hawksley, B. F., discusses qualifications for scholarships, 38-44 : portrait of, 41 ; joint 

heir of residue, 49 ; why made joint heir in 1892, 104; letter from, concerning W. T. 

Stead, in 

Heirs 'joint) under last will, 49 
Heligoland, teaching of English forbidden, 36 
Hofmeyr, Jan H., grave of, 17 

Home Rule, the key to Empire, 74, 113, 114, 118 ; C. J. Rhodes's correspondence with 
' C. S. Parnell, 118-130 

Imagination, C. J. Rhodes on the lack of, 173-4 
Inyanga, view of farm at, 8 ; fund how to be applied, 9-11 

Ireland: C. J. Rhodes subscribes to national fund, 118-130; to convert Home Rule Bill 
into Federalism, 120 ; Cape experience as a guide, 122 

INDEX. 195 

Jamaica, three scholarships for, 32 

Jameson, Dr., trustee, 49 ; portrait of, 75, 123 ; beloved by C. J. Rhodes, 177 : his name 

last word uttered by C. J. Rhodes, 190 
Jameson Raid, the, and C. J. Rhodes, 106-107, 130, 178 
Johnston, Sir H. H., portrait of, 129 

Kimberley." k Bath "(described, 16 ; 600 miles by waggon to, 157; siege of, 173-5 

Landlords, country, C. J. Rhodes on, 46 

Liberal Party, C. J. Rhodes's relations to, 1 17-138 ; thinks of standing as Liberal candidate 

in 1886, 117; subscribes to Home Rule, 120-130; to Liberal Election Fund, 130-9; 

" My ideas Liberalism plus Empire," 131 ; ruining itself by Little Englandism, 131 ; 

future of England must be Liberal, 133 
Life " three days at the seaside," 88 ; work, the essence of a proper, 45 ; speculations. 

by ; C. J. Rhodes on a future, 189 

Lindsay, Rev. Dr., suggests voting for scholarships, 109 
" Loafer," a, hated by C. J. Rhodes, 45 

Low, Sidney, his summary of C. J. Rhodes's conversations, 73 
Loxley, Rev. A. P., on C. J. Rhodes and religious education, 94 
Loyola, Ignatius, and C. J. Rhodes, 63, 66, 83 

Mackenzie, Rev. John, opposed to policy of C. J. Rhodes, So 

" Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon," Rhodes upon, 81 

Malima river feeds Westacre dam, 7 

" Malindidzimo," name of C. J. Rhodes's burial place, 4 

Manicaland, C. J. Rhodes's estate in, 9 

Marcus Aurelius constantly read by C. J. Rhodes, 184-185 

Markets, open, essential to England, 66, 68, 73, 134, 165-168 

Matabele War, C. J. Rhodes's defence of, 150 

Matoppos, picture of, 2 ; description of, 4 ; burial place of C. J. Rhodes and L'mzilikazi, 
4 ; fund for maintaining, 5 ; visited by C. J. Rhodes and Mr. Wyndham, 5 ; exca- 
vating grave on, 186 

McNeil!, Swift, arranges C. J. Rhodes's subscription to Irish National Fund, 118, 120 

Michell, Lewis L., joint heir, 49, 108 : portrait of, 67 

Military service insisted on by C. J. Rhodes, 47 

Mills, Sir Charles, brings C. J. Rhodes and W. T. Stead together, 80-81 

Milner, Lord, joint heir, 49, 108 ; portrait of, 57 ; supported by C. J. Rhodes. 108-109 

Mitford, Bertram, description of Matoppos, 4 

Moral qualities, to be regarded in selecting scholars, 36-44 

Morley,John : speech about Egypt horrifies C. J. Rhodes, 133 ; importance of, minimised 
by F. Schnadhorst, 136 

" Mosterts" property bequeathed with Groote Schuur, 13 

Muizenberg, near Cape Town, where C. J. Rhodes died, 179 

Muller, Iwan, reports to C. J. Rhodes on new University education, 23 ; on country 
gentlemen, 46 

Napoleon and his dirty linen, 74 ; C. J. Rhodes on his dream of Universal Monarchy, 


Natal, three scholarships for, 32 

Native policy of C. J. Rhodes in Africa: " We must be lords over them," 149 
Newfoundland, three scholarships for, 32 
New South Wales, three scholarships for, 32 
New Zealand, three scholarships for, 32 
Nyassaland, cost of administration borne by Chartered Company for four years, 151 

Ontario, three scholarships for, 32 

Oriel College, Oxford, C. J. Rhodes, M.A., 1881, 20 ; history of, 20 ; Sir W. Raleigh at,. 
20 ; other Oriel men, 21, 30 ; income of, 20 ; bequests to, 20-21 ; and St. Mary Hall, 
21 ; views of a senior member of, 22 ; story of Keble when don of, 22 ; view 

Oxford, scholarships to bs tenable at, 23, 108 ; why, 23-24 ; Medical School, 27 

fall Mall Gazette, C. J. Rhodes and, 79 ; exponent of his ideas, 80-81 

Parnell, C. S., correspondence between, and C. J. Rhodes, 120-130; subscription to, 125 ; 

regrets and withdraws Navan speech, 129 
" Patent," C. J. Rhodes's political, 68 : financial, 161 
Peace, C. J. Rhodes's idea of how it might be attained, 59, 61, 66 ; Conference at Hague, 


Persia, part of Anglo-Saxon sphere, 74 
Pickering, N. E., heir to C. J. Rhodes in second will, 62 
Portugal to come under Anglo-Saxon control, 74 
Portuguese, C. J. Rhodes speaks well of, 163 



Preferential tariff strongly advocated by C. J. Rhodes, 63, 66 

Protection, hard fight, 66; C. J. Rhodes's speech against, 166-171; why Colonies 
approve, 168 ; his safeguard against, 167 

Quebec, three scholarships for, 32 
Queensland, three scholarships for, 32 

Radziwill, Princess, forgeries of, 185 

Raleigh, Sir W., at Oriel, 20 ; C. J. Rhodes on his imprisonment, 181 
Reincarnation, C. J. Rhodes indifferent to, 88 

Republics British self-governing Colonies practically independent, 143 
Residue of the Rhodes estate left to joint-heirs, 49 
REVIEW OF REVIEWS founded in 1890, approved by C. J. Rhodes, 99 
Rhodes, Captain Ernest, heir of Dalham Hall, 45 
Rhodes, Colonel Frank, heir of Dalham Hall, 45 
Rhodes, Cecil John : 

Anecdotes of: Places Zimbabye stone hawk in Council Chamber, 16 ; tried to visit 
W. T. Stead in gaol, 81 ; attends indignation meeting in Exeter Hall, 81 ; and 
General Gordon, 142 ; on hearing of the burning of Groote Schuur, 180 ; Lord 
Grey's stories of, 181 

Appreciations of: by F. E. Garrett, n ; Herbert Baker, 16 ; W. T. Stead, 51 ; " Money 
King of Modern World," 55 ; a mystic, 56 ; W. T. Stead's first impressions of, 82 ; 
Roman Emperor plus Ironside plus Loyola, 83; "A Grey Archangel," 139; by 
the Booths, 89-93, J 77 ' Sir C. Warren, 117 
Autograph of, 69, 116 

Burial of, on Matoppos, 2, 182, 186, 190, 192 
Characteristics of: "I find I am still human,' 

scanaai, 105-7. 
Conversations with Iwan Mi'iller, 23, 46 ; Sidney Low, 73 ; W. T. Stead, 79-115, 190; 

with Gen. Gordon, 142 
Correspondence of, with W. T. Stead, 64, 98, 99, 135 ; in the Times, 1885, 138 ; with 

Mr. Parnell, 120-130 ; with Mr. Schnadhorst, 130-7 

Death of, at Muizenberg, March 26, 1902, 177 ; how precipitated, 187 ; his last word, 190 
Personal history of: 1881, M.A., Oxford, 20; draws up draft of ideas, 1877, 58 ; first 

tales on object of life, 58, 85 ; dreams of entering Parliament, 117 ; visits Salvation 
Army, 89-93 ; conceives idea of scholarships, 105 ; Jameson Raid, 106 ; supports 
Milner, 108 ; as youngster learns that truth and no race distinctions axioms of 
Empire, 147 
Political ideas of: his ideal, 56 ; first draft of, 1877, 58 : English first of races, 58 ; its 

reunion, 102 ; on secret society and obedience, 109 ; on Dutch in South 

134 ; what Empire meant to him, 140 ; his own definition, 143 ; on the flag, 143 ; hi 

inture 01 r-ngianu must oe L,ioerai, pernaps to ngni socialism, 133 

Political Will and Testament of C. J. Rhodes, 1891, addressed to W. T. Stead, 64 ; 
key to his ideas, Jesuit organisation, differential tariff and American Constitution, 
64 ; English greatest race, but unaware of its greatness, 68 ; English labour 
dependent on outside markets, 68 ; to end all war and make one language uni- 
versal, gradually absorb all wealth and higher minds to object, 68 ; Anglo-Ameri- 
can reunion, 73 ; Federal Parliament, sitting five years Washington, five years 

;raits of: Downey s, 3 ; by Tennyson Cole, 26 ; by Marchioness of Granby, 50 ; in 
the " Eighties," 54 ; as a boy, 78 : autograph portrait, 116 ; in the Matoppos, 138 ; 

at the Cape, 141 ; last taken in 1901, 176 

INDEX. 197 

Rhodes, Cecil John continued. 

Religious ideas of: ideal of Secular Church -for extension of British Empire, 59: a 
political Society of Jesus, 63 ; Agnostic, 84 ; on the Bible, 84 ; on broadening 
influence of travel and Nature, 86 : on church-going, 86 ; on churches, 88 ; a 
Darwinian, 88; on life and death, 88; is there a God? 88 ; what does He want 
me to do? 89; testimony of the Booths, 89-93; Divine area of action, 94; Divine 
method, 94 ; Divine instrument, 95 ; Divine ideal, 96 ; his threefold test, 97 ; 
his conclusion, 98 : his policy as to education, 94 ; his idea in essence, 98 : fond 
of theological discussion, 184; and Marcus Aurelius, 184 : "This one thing I do," 
184 ; his colloquy with the Infinite, 188-9 : not an atheist, 189 ; on the future life, 189 
Sayings of: on Matoppos, " Homes that is what I work for," 5 ; on university educa- 
tion, 23 ; on " smug," " brutality," and " unctuous rectitude," 44 ; on loafers, 45 ; the 
essence of a proper life, 45 ; on country landlords, 46 ; " Do you ever feel mad?" 
etc. " I do, at pig-headed statesmen of George III.," 59; " Leave the local pump 
to the parish beadle," 74 ; " Don't despise money," 83 ; " Life three days at the 
seaside," 88 ; a fifty-per-cent. chance there is a God, 89 ; "I am trying to make 
new countries you are trying to make new men," 93 ; Justice, Liberty, Peace, the 
highest things, 97 ; " You cannot govern South Africa by trampling on the 
Dutch," 113 ; Gladstonian Home Rule makes Ireland a taxed republic, 118 ; " My 
idea Liberalism fius Empire," 131 ; " No use to have big ideas without 
cash," 142 ; " The whole of your politics lie in your trade," 169 ; " Your trade is 
the world and your life is the world," 170 ; East Africa based on the suppression of 
slave trade and cultivation of cocoanut, 172 ; ".The best commercial asset in the 
world," 174-5: "Always do the comparative!" 181 : "So much to do, so little 
done," 184 ; " I would annex the planets if I could," 190 

Speeches of: at laying foundation stone Presbyterian Chapel. 86 ; at Salvation Army 
meeting at Mansion House, 90-1 ; at prize-giving at Bulawayo school, 94 ; pub- 
lished by Chapman and Hall, 1900, 139 ; on United States of South Africa, 1883, 
142 ; on the Flag question, 1890, 143, 173 ; on the Afrikander Bond, 1891, 144 ; 
on the Dutch, 145, 147 ; against race distinctions, 147 ; against Crown Colony, 148 ; 
on native legislation, 1888, 148 ; address to the shareholders of the Chartered Com- 
pany, 1895, 149-175 ; on the British flag as a commercial asset, 173-5 
Wills : first of Cecil J. Rhodes's, 1877, 61 ; second, 1882, 62 : third, 1888, 62 ; fourth, 

1891, 64 ; fifth, 1893, 104 ; sixth and last, 1899, 3 ; why altered, 103-4 
Will, last, and Testament of: domicile declared in Rhodesia, 3 ; burial place in the 
Matoppos (q.v.), why chosen, 3 ; inscription on tomb, 4 ; the Shangani monument, 
4 ; conditions for future burials, 5 ; fund for beautifying burial place, 7 ; bequeaths 
Bulawayo and Inyanga estates for instruction of people, 5 ; forms Matoppos and 
Bulawayo fund for burial place, 7 ; provides for planting Sauerdale (q.v. Park, 7 ; 
for completing Westacre .q.v. dam, 7-9 ; for constructing railway to Westacre for 
week-enders, 9 ; founds Inyanga q.v.) fund, 9; for irrigation, u ; for experimental 
farming, forestry, gardening, and Agricultural College, n ; leaves Groote Schuur 
.q.v.} as residence for Prime Minister of federated South Africa, 13 ; till then as 
park for people, 16 ; founds Groote Schuur fund, 17 ; bequeaths ^100,000 to Oriel 
(q.v.. College, Oxford, 20 ; for new buildings, 21 ; for resident fellowships, 21 ; 
for the High Table, 22 ; directions to trustees, 23 ; founds scholarships at Oxford, 
23 ; suggests extension of medical school, 24; states his object as union of English- 
speaking race, 24 ; the sixty Colonial scholarships, 32 ; one hundred American 
scholarships, 33 ; fifteen German scholarships, 35 ; rules for selecting scholars, 36 ; 
apportionment of marks, 38; conditions of lesidence, 40; of payment, 43; of 
distribution, 43 ; of discipline, 44 ; annual dinner, 44 ; settles Dalham Hall estate 
on Col. F. Rhodes and Capt. Ernest Rhodes, 45 ; conditions in the codicil, 45 ; 
no incumbrances to be created, 45-6 ; ten years' work, 47 ; service in Militia or 
Volunteers, 47; forfeiture of title, 47 ; leaves residue (q.v.) of estate to joint tenants 
who are also named executors and trustees, 49 

Rhodesia, nine scholarships for, 32 ; called after C. J. Rhodes, 68 ; its extent north of 
the Zambesi, 150; Matabele and Mashonaland, 151; extent of, 152; material 
development of, 154, 157 ; cost of administering in 1895, 154-5 : railway making 
to, 157 ; a white man's country, 158 ; profits of, from minerals, 159 ; Hays 
Hammond, report on, 159 

Rosebery, Earl of, joint heir of residue, 49, 108 ; quoted by C. J. Rhodes in favour of 
reduction of Irish Members, 121 ; saves Egypt by joining Gladstone's Ministry, 132 ; 
saves Uganda and Egypt, 169 

Rudd, C. E., portrait of, 119 

Salvation Army, C. J. Rhodes on, 90-93 

Sauerdale property to be planted as park, 7 

Schnadhorst, F., Liberal Whip, correspondence with, 130-7 ; meets C. J. Rhodes in 

Africa, 131 ; asks for subscription to Liberal fund, 131 ; .5,000 given on conditions, 

133 ; his defence, 136-7 
Scholarships, first founded by C. J. Rhodes, for Rondebosch College, 29 ; in his last will, 

60 were founded for Colonies, 30-1 ; 100 for United States, 34 ; 15'for Germany, 35 ; 

how to be selected, 36 ; allotment of marks, 38 ; discussion on, 38-44 ; annual 

dinner, 44-5, 52 ; first idea of, 105 



Secret Society, C. J. Rhodes's first suggestion of, 5 ) ; the key to his idea, 64, 66 ; to absorb 
the wealth of the world, 73 ; success anticipated in 200 years, 76 ; his idea in 
essence, 98 ; difficulty of obedience, 109 ; prospects of, 114 

Shangani, monument to those who fell at, 4 : bas-reliefs, 28 

Shippard, Sidney G. A., the first of C. J. Rhodes's heirs, 61 

Socialism, England must be Liberal, perh-ips to light, 133 

South African College School, three scholarships for, 32 

Spain to be controlled by Anglo-Saxons, 74 

Spectator, absurd misconception about the Schnadhorst subscription, 130 

St. Andrew's College School, Cape Colony, three scholarships for, 32 

Stellenbosch College School, three scholarships for, 32 

Stead, \V. T., discusses with C. J. Rhodes qualifications for scholarship, 38-43, 103; 
portrait of, 42 ; joint heir of residue, 49 ; name ren.ovjd from executors, 49, in ; 
appreciations of C. J. Rhodes, 51-56, 81, 83, 139; custodian of first will of C. J. 
Rhodes, 61 ; left heir with "X" in a fourth will (1891^,64, 104; entrusted with 
political will and testament, 64; on the Rhodesian ideal, 77; confidential con- 
versation with, 79 ; oiigin of friendship, 79 ; his Gospel of the I'.HI.G., 79 : first 
meets C. J. Rhodes ,1889 , 79: through Sir C. Mills, 81 ; first impressions, 81-2 ; 
C. J. Rhodes attracted by the imprisonment of, 82 ; conversation with C. J. 
Rhodes published in 1899, 83-98 : letter of, to C. J. Rhodes, 98 : letters to, from 
C. J. Rhodes, 64, 99: founds the REVIEW OF REVIEWS, 99 ; Manifesto "To all 
English-speaking Peoples," 93-102 ; approved by C. J. Rhodes, 99 ; " Our Ideas," 
102 ; commissioned to communicate C. J. Rhodes's secret to the others, 103 ; 
joint heir in fifth will with " X" and B. F. Hawksley, 104; discusses with C. J. 
Rhodes methods of propaganda, 104 ; told about the scholarships, 105 : action 
in re Jameson Raid, 107; last interview with C. J. Rhodes before the war, 107; 
made joint heir in last will, 108 ; suggests American scholarships, 108 ; other 
suggestions rejected, 103 : his responsibility from 1891-9, 103 : first interview with 
C. J. Rhodes after war broke out, 103: "insubordination" of, 109; his defence, 
in : B. F. Hawksley on, in ; friendship unimpaired, 112; last interviews with 
C. J. Rhodes, 112-13; on the secret societ3 r , II 4~ 1 5 ; forwards letter from C. J. 
Rhodes to F. Schnadhorst, 135 

Stevenson, Mr., of Exeter College, on American and Colonial students, 31, 35 

Tariff war advocated by C. J.i Rhodes, 66, 73, 76, 167 

Tasmania, three scholarships for, 32 

Transvaal, C. J. Rhodes's sympathy with flag, 143 : " I look to no political difficulty 

from the" (1895', 164 ; ultimatum unexpected by C. J. Rhodes, 108 
Trustees under last will, 49 
Tweed, Jno., sculptor of Shangani monument, 4 

Uganda saved by Lord Rosebery, i6j 

Umzilikazi, chief of Matabele, buried in Matoppos, 4 

United States, scholarships for, 27; why granted, 27 ; C. J. Rhodes on "recovery of," 
59 ; on the loss of, 59 ; restoration of Anglo-Saxon unity, 61 ; w idening of his views 
on, 62 ; constitution of his text-book, 63-66 : boycotts English goods, 66 : commer- 
cial war with, 66, 76 ; fascinated with idea of world-wide dominion, 74; McKinley 
tariff, 76 ; C. J. Rhodes's ideas on, broadened, 62, 102 ; takes precautions for 
future tariff war with, 167; tariff cripples English trade, 169 

University education, why esteemed by C. J. Rhodes, 23 ; must be residential, 24 

Victoria, three scholarships for, 32 

" View, the, of the World," 2 

" Vindex" edits C. J. Rhodes's speeches, 120, 139 

War, how to end all, C. J. Rhodes's " patent," 59, 61, 66 ; South African, C. J. Rhodes 
did not anticipate, 108 

Warren, Sir Charles, on C. J. Rhodes, 1884, 117 

Wealth, C. J. Rhodes's use of, 51 ; millionaires and their money, 66, 73 ; the seizure 
of the world's, 76 ; " Don't despise money," 83 ; acquisition of, not good enough, 
85 ; his subscription to Mr. Parnell, 120-130 ; secures conversion of Home Rule from 
separation to federation, 120 ; not due to anxiety for Charter, 120; subscription to 
Mr. Schnadhorst, 131-138; indispensable to big ideas, 142; without imagination, 

Westacre dam and park, 7 

Western Australia, three scholarships for, 32 

Will, the so-called political will and testament, 1891, 64-76 

Women, C. J. Rhodes refuses to admit them to his scholarships, 108-9 

Work essential to proper life, 45 

Wyndham, George, reports saying of C. J. Rhodes, 5 

" X" heir to C. J. Rhodes in third, fourth and fifth will, 62 ; why not left sole heir, 103 



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